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1. The disorders about Herod's family and children about this
time grew much worse; for it now appeared certain, nor was it
unforeseen before-hand, that fortune threatened the greatest and
most insupportable misfortunes possible to his kingdom. Its
progress and augmentation at this time arose on the occasion
following: One Eurycles, a Lacedemonian, (a person of note there,
but a man of a perverse mind, and so cunning in his ways of
voluptuousness and flattery, as to indulge both, and yet seem to
indulge neither of them,) came in his travels to Herod, and made
him presents, but so that he received more presents from him. He
also took such proper seasons for insinuating himself into his
friendship, that he became one of the most intimate of the king's
friends. He had his lodging in Antipater's house; but he had not
only access, but free conversation, with Alexander, as pretending
to him that he was in great favor with Archclaus, the king of
Cappadocia; whence he pretended much respect to Glaphyra, and in
an occult manner cultivated a friendship with them all; but
always attending to what was said and done, that he might be
furnished with calumnies to please them all. In short, he behaved
himself so to every body in his conversation, as to appear to be
his particular friend, and he made others believe that his being
any where was for that person's advantage. So he won upon
Alexander, who was but young; and persuaded him that he might
open his grievances to him with assurance and with nobody else.
So he declared his grief to him, how his father was alienated
from him. He related to him also the affairs of his mother, and
of Antipater; that he had driven them from their proper dignity,
and had the power over every thing himself; that no part of this
was tolerable, since his father was already come to hate them;
and he added, that he would neither admit them to his table, nor
to his conversation. Such were the complaints, as was but
natural, of Alexander about the things that troubled him; and
these discourses Eurycles carried to Antipater, and told him he
did not inform him of this on his own account, but that being
overcome by his kindness, the great importance of the thing
obliged him to do it; and he warned him to have a care of
Alexander, for that what he said was spoken with vehemency, and
that, in consequence of what he said, he would certainly kill him
with his own hand. Whereupon Antipater, thinking him to be his
friend by this advice, gave him presents upon all occasions, and
at length persuaded him to inform Herod of what he had heard. So
when he related to the king Alexander's ill temper, as discovered
by the words he had heard him speak, he was easily believed by
him; and he thereby brought the king to that pass, turning him
about by his words, and irritating him, till he increased his
hatred to him and made him implacable, which he showed at that
very time, for he immediately gave Eurycles a present of fifty
talents; who, when he had gotten them, went to Archclaus, king of
Cappadocia, and commended Alexander before him, and told him that
he had been many ways of advantage to him, in making a
reconciliation between him and his father. So he got money from
him also, and went away, before his pernicious practices were
found out; but when Eurycles was returned to Lacedemon, he did
not leave off doing mischief; and so, for his many acts of
injustice, he was banished from his own country.
2. But as for the king of the Jews, he was not now in the temper
he was in formerly towards Alexander and Aristobulus, when he had
been content with the hearing their calumnies when others told
him of them; but he was now come to that pass as to hate them
himself, and to urge men to speak against them, though they did
not do it of themselves. He also observed all that was said, and
put questions, and gave ear to every one that would but speak, if
they could but say any thing against them, till at length he
heard that Euaratus of Cos was a conspirator with Alexander;
which thing to Herod was the most agreeable and sweetest news
imaginable.
3. But still a greater misfortune came upon the young men; while
the calumnies against them were continually increased, and, as a
man may say, one would think it was every one's endeavor to lay
some grievous thing to their charge, which might appear to be for
the king's preservation. There were two guards of Herod's body,
who were in great esteem for their strength and tallness,
Jucundus and Tyrannus; these men had been cast off by Herod, who
was displeased at them; these now used to ride along with
Alexander, and for their skill in their exercises were in great
esteem with him, and had some gold and other gifts bestowed on
them. Now the king having an immediate suspicion of those men,
had them tortured, who endured the torture courageously for a
long time; but at last confessed that Alexander would have
persuaded them to kill Herod, when he was in pursuit of the wild
beasts, that it might be said he fell from his horse, and was run
through with his own spear, for that he had once such a
misfortune formerly. They also showed where there was money
hidden in the stable under ground; and these convicted the king's
chief hunter, that he had given the young men the royal hunting
spears and weapons to Alexander's dependents, at Alexander's
command.
4. After these, the commander of the garrison of Alexandrium was
caught and tortured; for he was accused to have promised to
receive the young men into his fortress, and to supply them with
that money of the king's which was laid up in that fortress, yet
did not he acknowledge any thing of it himself; but his son came
ill, and said it was so, and delivered up the writing, which, so
far as could be guessed, was in Alexander's hand. Its contents
were these: "When we have finished, by God's help, all that we
have proposed to do, we will come to you; but do your endeavors,
as you have promised, to receive us into your fortress." After
this writing was produced, Herod had no doubt about the
treacherous designs of his sons against him. But Alexander said
that Diophantus the scribe had imitated his hand, and that the
paper was maliciously drawn up by Antipater; for Diophantus
appeared to be very cunning in such practices; and as he was
afterward convicted of forging other papers, he was put to death
for it.
5. So the king produced those that had been tortured before the
multitude at Jericho, in order to have them accuse the young men,
which accusers many of the people stoned to death; and when they
were going to kill Alexander and Aristobulus likewise, the king
would not permit them to do so, but restrained the multitude, by
the means of Ptolemy and Pheroras. However, the young men were
put under a guard, and kept in custody, that nobody might come at
them; and all that they did or said was watched, and the reproach
and fear they were in was little or nothing different from those
of condemned criminals: and one of them, who was Aristobulus, was
so deeply affected, that he brought Salome, who was his aunt, and
his mother-in-law, to lament with him for his calamities, and to
hate him who had suffered things to come to that pass; when he
said to her, "Art thou not in danger of destruction also, while
the report goes that thou hadst disclosed beforehand all our
affairs to Syllcus, when thou wast in hopes of being married to
him?" But she immediately carried these words to her brother.
Upon this he was out of patience, and gave command to bind him;
and enjoined them both, now they were kept separate one from the
other, to write down the ill things they had done against their
father, and bring the writings to him, So when this was enjoined
them, they wrote this, that they had laid no treacherous designs,
nor made any preparations against their father, but that they had
intended to fly away; and that by the distress they were in,
their lives being now uncertain and tedious to them.
6. About this time there came an ambassador out of Cappadocia
from Archelaus, whose name was Melas; he was one of the principal
rulers under him. So Herod, being desirous to show Archelaus's
ill-will to him, called for Alexander, as he was in his bonds,
and asked him again concerning his fight, whether and how they
had resolved to retire Alexander replied, To Archclaus, who had
promised to send them away to Rome; but that they had no wicked
nor mischievous designs against their father, and that nothing of
that nature which their adversaries had charged upon them was
true; and that their desire was, that he might have examined
Tyrannus and Jucundus more strictly, but that they had been
suddenly slain by the means of Antipater, who put his own friends
among the multitude [for that purpose].
7. When this was said, Herod commanded that both Alexander and
Melas should be carried to Glaphyra, Archelaus's daughter, and
that she should be asked, whether she did not know somewhat of
Alexander's treacherous designs against Herod? Now as soon as
they were come to her, and she saw Alexander in bonds, she beat
her head, and in a great consternation gave a deep and moving
groan. The young man also fell into tears. This was so miserable
a spectacle to those present, that, for a great while, they were
not able to say or to do any thing; but at length Ptolemy, who
was ordered to bring Alexander, bid him say whether his wife was
conscious of his actions. He replied, "How is it possible that
she, whom I love better than my own soul, and by whom I have had
children, should not know what I do?" Upon which she cried out
that she knew of no wicked designs of his; but that yet, if her
accusing herself falsely would tend to his preservation, she
would confess it all. Alexander replied, "There is no such
wickedness as those (who ought the least of all so to do)
suspect, which either I have imagined, or thou knowest of, but
this only, that we had resolved to retire to Archelaus, and from
thence to Rome." Which she also confessed. Upon which Herod,
supposing that Archelaus's ill-will to him was fully proved, sent
a letter by Olympus and Volumnius; and bid them, as they sailed
by, to touch at Eleusa of Cilicia, and give Archelaus the letter.
And that when they had ex-postulated with him, that he had a hand
in his son's treacherous design against him, they should from
thence sail to Rome; and that, in case they found Nicolaus had
gained any ground, and that Caesar was no longer displeased at
him, he should give him his letters, and the proofs which he had
ready to show against the young men. As to Archelaus, he made his
defense for himself, that he had promised to receive the young
men, because it was both for their own and their father's
advantage so to do, lest some too severe procedure should be gone
upon in that anger and disorder they were in on occasion of the
present suspicions; but that still he had not promised to send
them to Caesar; and that he had not promised any thing else to
the young men that could show any ill-will to him.
8. When these ambassadors were come to Rome, they had a fit
opportunity of delivering their letters to Caesar, because they
found him reconciled to Herod; for the circumstances of
Nicolaus's embassage had been as follows: As soon as he was come
to Rome, and was about the court, he did not first of all set
about what he was come for only, but he thought fit also to
accuse Sylleus. Now the Arabians, even before he came to talk
with them, were quarrelling one with another; and some of them
left Sylleus's party, and joining themselves to Nicolaus,
informed him of all the wicked things that had been done; and
produced to him evident demonstrations of the slaughter of a
great number of Obodas's friends by Sylleus; for when these men
left Sylleus, they had carried off with them those letters
whereby they could convict him. When Nicolaus saw such an
opportunity afforded him, he made use of it, in order to gain his
own point afterward, and endeavored immediately to make a
reconciliation between Caesar and Herod; for he was fully
satisfied, that if he should desire to make a defense for Herod
directly, he should not be allowed that liberty; but that if he
desired to accuse Sylleus, there would an occasion present itself
of speaking on Herod's behalf. So when the cause was ready for a
hearing, and the day was appointed, Nicolaus, while Aretas's
ambassadors were present, accused Sylleus, and said that he
imputed to him the destruction of the king [Obodas], and of many
others of the Arabians; that he had borrowed money for no good
design; and he proved that he had been guilty of adultery, not
only with the Arabian, but Reinan women also. And. he added, that
above all the rest he had alienated Caesar from Herod, and that
all that he had said about the actions of Herod were falsities.
When Nicolaus was come to this topic, Caesar stopped him from
going on, and desired him only to speak to this affair of Herod,
and to show that he had not led an army into Arabia, nor slain
two thousand five hundred men there, nor taken prisoners, nor
pillaged the country. To which Nicolaus made this answer: "I
shall principally demonstrate, that either nothing at all, or but
a very little, of those imputations are true, of which thou hast
been informed; for had they been true, thou mightest justly have
been still more angry at Herod." At this strange assertion Caesar
was very attentive; and Nicolaus said that there was a debt due
to Herod of five hundred talents, and a bond, wherein it was
written, that if the time appointed be lapsed, it should be
lawful to make a seizure out of any part of his country. "As for
the pretended army," he said, "it was no army, but a party sent
out to require the just payment of the money; that this was not
sent immediately, nor so soon as the bond allowed, but that
Sylleus had frequently come before Saturninus and Volumnius, the
presidents of Syria; and that at last he had sworn at Berytus, by
thy fortune, that he would certainly pay the money within
thirty days, and deliver up the fugitives that were under his
dominion. And that when Sylleus had performed nothing of this,
Herod came again before the presidents; and upon their permission
to make a seizure for his money, he, with difficulty, went out of
his country with a party of soldiers for that purpose. And this
is all the war which these men so tragically describe; and this
is the affair of the expedition into Arabia. And how can this be
called a war, when thy presidents permitted it, the covenants
allowed it, and it was not executed till thy name, O Caesar, as
well as that of the other gods, had been profaned? And now I must
speak in order about the captives. There were robbers that dwelt
in Trachonitis; at first their number was no more than forty, but
they became more afterwards, and they escaped the punishment
Herod would have inflicted on them, by making Arabia their
refuge. Sylleus received them, and supported them with food, that
they might be mischievous to all mankind, and gave them a country
to inhabit, and himself received the gains they made by robbery;
yet did he promise that he would deliver up these men, and that
by the same oaths and same time that he sware and fixed for
payment of his debt: nor can he by any means show that any other
persons have at this time been taken out of Arabia besides these,
and indeed not all these neither, but only so many as could not
conceal themselves. And thus does the calumny of the captives,
which hath been so odiously represented, appear to be no better
than a fiction and a lie, made on purpose to provoke thy
indignation; for I venture to affirm that when the forces of the
Arabians came upon us, and one or two of Herod's party fell, he
then only defended himself, and there fell Nacebus their general,
and in all about twenty-five others, and no more; whence Sylleus,
by multiplying every single soldier to a hundred, he reckons the
slain to have been two thousand five hundred."
9. This provoked Caesar more than ever. So he turned to Sylleus
full of rage, and asked him how many of the Arabians were slain.
Hereupon he hesitated, and said he had been imposed upon. The
covenants also were read about the money he had borrowed, and the
letters of the presidents of Syria, and the complaints of the
several cities, so many as had been injured by the robbers. The
conclusion was this, that Sylleus was condemned to die, and that
Caesar was reconciled to Herod, and owned his repentance for what
severe things he had written to him, occasioned by calumny,
insomuch that he told Sylleus, that he had compelled him, by his
lying account of things, to be guilty of ingratitude against a
man that was his friend. At the last all came to this, Sylleus
was sent away to answer Herod's suit, and to repay the debt that
he owed, and after that to be punished [with death]. But still
Caesar was offended with Aretas, that he had taken upon himself
the government, without his consent first obtained, for he had
determined to bestow Arabia upon Herod; but that the letters he
had sent hindered him from so doing; for Olympus and Volumnius,
perceiving that Caesar was now become favorable to Herod, thought
fit immediately to deliver him the letters they were commanded by
Herod to give him concerning his sons. When Caesar had read them,
he thought it would not be proper to add another government to
him, now he was old, and in an ill state with relation to his
sons, so he admitted Aretas's ambassadors; and after he had just
reproved him for his rashness, in not tarrying till he received
the kingdom from him, he accepted of his presents, and confirmed
him in his government.
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