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1. So Caesar was now reconciled to Herod, and wrote thus to him:
That he was grieved for him on account of his sons; and that in
case they had been guilty of any profane and insolent crimes
against him, it would behoove him to punish them as parricides,
for which he gave him power accordingly; but if they had only
contrived to fly away, he would have him give them an admonition,
and not proceed to extremity with them. He also advised him to
get an assembly together, and to appoint some place near Berytus,
which is a city belonging to the Romans, and to take the
presidents of Syria, and Archelaus king of Cappadocia, and as
many more as he thought to be illustrious for their friendship to
him, and the dignities they were in, and determine what should be
done by their approbation. These were the directions that Caesar
gave him. Accordingly Herod, when the letter was brought to him,
was immediately very glad of Caesar's reconciliation to him, and
very glad also that he had a complete authority given him over
his sons. And it strangely came about, that whereas before, in
his adversity, though he had indeed showed himself severe, yet
had he not been very rash nor hasty in procuring the destruction
of his sons; he now, in his prosperity, took advantage of this
change for the better, and the freedom he now had, to exercise
his hatred against them after an unheard of manner; he therefore
sent and called as many as he thought fit to this assembly,
excepting Archclaus; for as for him, he either hated him, so that
he would not invite him, or he thought he would be an obstacle to
his designs.
2. When the presidents, and the rest that belonged to the cities,
were come to Berytus, he kept his sons in a certain village
belonging to Sidon, called Platana, but near to this city, that
if they were called, he might produce them, for he did not think
fit to bring them before the assembly: and when there were one
hundred and fifty assessors present, Herod came by himself alone,
and accused his sons, and that in such a way as if it were not a
melancholy accusation, and not made but out of necessity, and
upon the misfortunes he was under; indeed, in such a way as was
very indecent for a father to accuse his sons, for he was very
vehement and disordered when he came to the demonstration of the
crime they were accused of, and gave the greatest signs of
passion and barbarity: nor would he suffer the assessors to
consider of the weight of the evidence, but asserted them to be
true by his own authority, after a manner most indecent in a
father against his sons, and read himself what they themselves
had written, wherein there was no confession of any plots or
contrivances against him, but only how they had contrived to fly
away, and containing withal certain reproaches against him, on
account of the ill-will he bare them; and when he came to those
reproaches, he cried out most of all, and exaggerated what they
said, as if they had confessed the design against him, and took
his oath that he had rather lose his life than hear such
reproachful words. At last he said that he had sufficient
authority, both by nature and by Caesar's grant to him, [to do
what he thought fit]. He also added an allegation of a law of
their country, which enjoined this: That if parents laid their
hands on the head of him that was accused, the standers by were
obliged to cast stones at him, and thereby to slay him; which
though he were ready to do in his own country and kingdom, yet
did he wait for their determination; and yet they came thither
not so much as judges, to condemn them for such manifest designs
against him, whereby he had almost perished by his sons' means,
but as persons that had an opportunity of showing their
detestation of such practices, and declaring how unworthy a thing
it must be in any, even the most remote, to pass over such
treacherous designs [without punishment].
3. When the king had said this, and the young men had not been
produced to make any defense for themselves, the assessors
perceived there was no room for equity and reconciliation, so
they confirmed his authority. And in the first place, Saturninus,
a person that had been consul, and one of great dignity,
pronounced his sentence, but with great moderation and trouble;
and said that he condemned Herod's sons, but did not think they
should be put to death. He had sons of his own, and to put one's
son to death is a greater misfortune than any other that could
befall him by their means. After him Saturninus's sons, for he
had three sons that followed him, and were his legates,
pronounced the same sentence with their father. On the contrary,
Volumnius's sentence was to inflict death on such as had been so
impiously undutiful to their father; and the greatest part of the
rest said the same, insomuch that the conclusion seemed to be,
that the young men were condemned to die. Immediately after this
Herod came away from thence, and took his sons to Tyre, where
Nicolaus met him in his voyage from Rome; of whom he inquired,
after he had related to him what had passed at Berytus, what his
sentiments were about his sons, and what his friends at Rome
thought of that matter. His answer was, "That what they had
determined to do to thee was impious, and that thou oughtest to
keep them in prison; and if thou thinkest any thing further
necessary, thou mayst indeed so punish them, that thou mayst not
appear to indulge thy anger more than to govern thyself by
judgment; but if thou inclinest to the milder side, thou mayst
absolve them, lest perhaps thy misfortunes be rendered incurable;
and this is the opinion of the greatest part of thy friends at
Rome also." Whereupon Herod was silent, and in great
thoughtfulness, and bid Nicolaus sail along with him.
4. Now as they came to Cesarea, every body was there talking of
Herod's sons, and the kingdom was in suspense, and the people in
great expectation of what would become of them; for a terrible
fear seized upon all men, lest the ancient disorders of the
family should come to a sad conclusion, and they were in great
trouble about their sufferings; nor was it without danger to say
any rash thing about this matter, nor even to hear another saying
it, but men's pity was forced to be shut up in themselves, which
rendered the excess of their sorrow very irksome, but very silent
yet was there an old soldier of Herod's, whose name was Tero, who
had a son of the same age with Alexander, and his friend, who was
so very free as openly to speak out what others silently thought
about that matter; and was forced to cry out often among the
multitude, and said, in the most unguarded manner, that truth was
perished, and justice taken away from men, while lies and
ill-will prevailed, and brought such a mist before public
affairs, that the offenders were not able to see the greatest
mischiefs that can befall men. And as he was so bold, he seemed
not to have kept himself out of danger, by speaking so freely;
but the reasonableness of what he said moved men to regard him as
having behaved himself with great manhood, and this at a proper
time also, for which reason every one heard what he said with
pleasure; and although they first took care of their own safety
by keeping silent themselves, yet did they kindly receive the
great freedom he took; for the expectation they were in of so
great an affliction, put a force upon them to speak of Tero
whatsoever they pleased.
5. This man had thrust himself into the king's presence with the
greatest freedom, and desired to speak with him by himself alone,
which the king permitted him to do, where he said this: "Since I
am not able, O king, to bear up under so great a concern as I am
under, I have preferred the use of this bold liberty that I now
take, which may be for thy advantage, if thou mind to get any
profit by it, before my own safety. Whither is thy understanding
gone, and left thy soul empty? Whither is that extraordinary
sagacity of thine gone whereby thou hast performed so many and
such glorious-actions? Whence comes this solitude, and desertion
of thy friends and relations? Of which I cannot but determine
that they are neither thy friends nor relations, while they
overlook such horrid wickedness in thy once happy kingdom. Dost
not thou perceive what is doing? Wilt thou slay these two young
men, born of thy queen, who are accomplished with every virtue in
the highest degree, and leave thyself destitute in thy old age,
but exposed to one son, who hath very ill managed the hopes thou
hast given him,' and to relations, whose death thou hast so often
resolved on thyself? Dost not thou take notice, that the very
silence of the multitude at once sees the crime, and abhors the
fact? The whole army and the officers have commiseration on the
poor unhappy youths, and hatred to those that are the actors in
this matter." These words the king heard, and for some time with
good temper. But what can one say? When Tero plainly touched upon
the bad behavior and perfidiousness of his domestics, he was
moved at it; but Tero went on further, and by degrees used an
unbounded military freedom of speech, nor was he so well
disciplined as to accommodate himself to the time. So Herod was
greatly disturbed, and seeming to be rather reproached by this
speech, than to be hearing what was for his advantage, while he
learned thereby that both the soldiers abhorred the thing he was
about, and the officers had indignation at it, he gave order that
all whom Tero had named, and Tero himself, should be bound and
kept in prison.
6. When this was over, one Trypho, who was the king's barber,
took the opportunity, and came and told the king, that Tero would
often have persuaded him, when he trimmed him with a razor, to
cut his throat, for that by this means he should be among the
chief of Alexander's friends, and receive great rewards from him.
When he had said this, the king gave order that Tero, and his
son, and the barber should be tortured, which was done
accordingly; but while Tero bore up himself, his son seeing his
father already in a sad case, and had no hope of deliverance, and
perceiving what would be the consequence of his terrible
sufferings, said, that if the king would free him and his father
from these torments for what he should say, he would tell the
truth. And when the king had given his word to do so, he said
that there was an agreement made, that Tero should lay violent
hands on the king, because it was easy for him to come when he
was alone; and that if, when he had done the thing, he should
suffer death for it, as was not unlikely, it would be an act of
generosity done in favor of Alexander. This was what Tero's son
said, and thereby freed his father from the distress he was in;
but uncertain it is whether he had been thus forced to speak what
was true, or whether it were a contrivance of his, in order to
procure his own and his father's deliverance from their miseries.
7. As for Herod, if he had before any doubt about the slaughter
of his sons, there was now no longer any room left in his soul
for it; but he had banished away whatsoever might afford him the
least suggestion of reasoning better about this matter, so he
already made haste to bring his purpose to a conclusion. He also
brought out three hundred of the officers that were under an
accusation, as also Tero and his son, and the barber that accused
them before an assembly, and brought an accusation against them
all; whom the multitude stoned with whatsoever came to hand, and
thereby slew them. Alexander also and Aristobulus were brought to
Sebaste, by their father's command, and there strangled; but
their dead bodies were in the night time carried to Alexandraum,
where their uncle by the mother's side, and the greatest part of
their ancestors, had been deposited.
8. And now perhaps it may not seem unreasonable to some,
that such an inveterate hatred might increase so much [on both
sides], as to proceed further, and overcome nature; but it may
justly deserve consideration, whether it be to be laid to the
charge of the young men, that they gave such an occasion to their
father's anger, and led him to do what he did, and by going on
long in the same way put things past remedy, and brought him to
use them so unmercifully; or whether it be to be laid to the
father's charge, that he was so hard-hearted, and so very tender
in the desire of government, and of other things that would tend
to his glory, that tae would take no one into a partnership with
him, that so whatsoever he would have done himself might continue
immovable; or, indeed, whether fortune have not greater power
than all prudent reasonings; whence we are persuaded that human
actions are thereby determined beforehand by an inevitable
necessity, and we call her Fate, because there is nothing which
is not done by her; wherefore I suppose it will be sufficient to
compare this notion with that other, which attribute somewhat to
ourselves, and renders men not unaccountable for the different
conducts of their lives, which notion is no other than the
philosophical determination of our ancient law. Accordingly, of
the two other causes of this sad event, any body may lay the
blame on the young men, who acted by youthful vanity, and pride
of their royal birth, that they should bear to hear the calumnies
that were raised against their father, while certainly they were
not equitable judges of the actions of his life, but ill-natured
in suspecting, and intemperate in speaking of it, and on both
accounts easily caught by those that observed them, and revealed
them to gain favor; yet cannot their father be thought worthy
excuse, as to that horrid impiety which he was guilty of about
them, while he ventured, without any certain evidence of their
treacherous designs against him, and without any proofs that they
had made preparations for such attempt, to kill his own sons, who
were of very comely bodies, and the great darlings of other men,
and no way deficient in their conduct, whether it were in
hunting, or in warlike exercises, or in speaking upon occasional
topics of discourse; for in all these they were skillful, and
especially Alexander, who was the eldest; for certainly it had
been sufficient, even though he had condemned them, to have kept
them alive in bonds, or to let them live at a distance from his
dominions in banishment, while he was surrounded by the Roman
forces, which were a strong security to him, whose help would
prevent his suffering any thing by a sudden onset, or by open
force; but for him to kill them on the sudden, in order to
gratify a passion that governed him, was a demonstration of
insufferable impiety. He also was guilty of so great a crime in
his older age; nor will the delays that he made, and the length
of time in which the thing was done, plead at all for his excuse;
for when a man is on a sudden amazed, and in commotion of mind,
and then commits a wicked action, although this be a heavy crime,
yet is it a thing that frequently happens; but to do it upon
deliberation, and after frequent attempts, and as frequent
puttings-off, to undertake it at last, and accomplish it, was the
action of a murderous mind, and such as was not easily moved from
that which is evil. And this temper he showed in what he did
afterward, when he did not spare those that seemed to be the best
beloved of his friends that were left, wherein, though the
justice of the punishment caused those that perished to be the
less pitied, yet was the barbarity of the man here equal, in that
he did not abstain from their slaughter also. But of those
persons we shall have occasion to discourse more hereafter.
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