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1. Herod's other affairs were now very prosperous, and he was not
to be easily assaulted on any side. Yet did there come upon him a
danger that would hazard his entire dominions, after Antony had
been beaten at the battle of Actium by Caesar [Octarian]; for at
that time both Herod's enemies and friends despaired of his
affairs, for it was not probable that he would remain without
punishment, who had showed so much friendship for Antony. So it
happened that his friends despaired, and had no hopes of his
escape; but for his enemies, they all outwardly appeared to be
troubled at his case, but were privately very glad of it, as
hoping to obtain a change for the better. As for Herod himself he
saw that there was no one of royal dignity left but Hyrcanus, and
therefore he thought it would be for his advantage not to suffer
him to be an obstacle in his way any longer; for that in case he
himself survived, and escaped the danger he was in, he thought it
the safest way to put it out of the power of such a man to make
any attempt against him, at such junctures of affairs, as was
more worthy of the kingdom than himself; and in case he should be
slain by Caesar, his envy prompted him to desire to slay him that
would otherwise be king after him.
2. While Herod had these things in his mind, there was a certain
occasion afforded him: for Hyrcanus was of so mild a temper, both
then and at other times, that he desired not to meddle with
public affairs, nor to concern himself with innovations, but left
all to fortune, and contented himself with what that afforded
him: but Alexandra [his daughter] was a lover of strife, and was
exceeding desirous of a change of the government, and spake to
her father not to bear for ever Herod's injurious treatment of
their family, but to anticipate their future hopes, as he safely
might; and desired him to write about these matters to Malchus,
who was then governor of Arabia, to receive them, and to secure
them [from Herod], for that if they went away, and Herod's
affairs proved to be as it was likely they would be, by reason of
Caesar's enmity to him, they should then be the only persons that
could take the government; and this, both on account of the royal
family they were of, and on account of the good disposition of:
the multitude to them. While she used these persuasions, Hyrcanus
put off her suit; but as she showed that she was a woman, and a
contentious woman too, and would not desist either night or day,
but would always be speaking to him about these matters, and
about Herod's treacherous designs, she at last prevailed with him
to intrust Dositheus, one of his friends, with a letter, wherein
his resolution was declared; and he desired the Arabian governor
to send to him some horsemen, who should receive him, and conduct
him to the lake Asphaltites, which is from the bounds of
Jerusalem three hundred furlongs: and he did therefore trust
Dositheus with this letter, because he was a careful attendant on
him, and on Alexandra, and had no small occasions to bear
ill-will to Herod; for he was a kinsman of one Joseph, whom he
had slain, and a brother of those that were formerly slain at
Tyre by Antony: yet could not these motives induce Dositheus to
serve Hyrcanus in this affair; for, preferring the hopes he had
from the present king to those he had from him, he gave Herod the
letter. So he took his kindness in good part, and bid him besides
do what he had already done, that is, go on in serving him, by
rolling up the epistle and sealing it again, and delivering it to
Malchus, and then to bring back his letter in answer to it; for
it would be much better if he could know Malchus's intentions
also. And when Dositheus was very ready to serve him in this
point also, the Arabian governor returned back for answer, that
he would receive Hyrcanus, and all that should come with him, and
even all the Jews that were of his party; that he would,
moreover, send forces sufficient to secure them in their journey;
and that he should be in no want of any thing he should desire.
Now as soon as Herod had received this letter, he immediately
sent for Hyrcanus, and questioned him about the league he had
made with Malchus; and when he denied it, he showed his letter to
the Sanhedrim, and put the man to death immediately.
3. And this account we give the reader, as it is contained in the
commentaries of king Herod: but other historians do not agree
with them, for they suppose that Herod did not find, but rather
make, this an occasion for thus putting him to death, and that by
treacherously laying a snare for him; for thus do they write:
That Herod and he were once at a treat, and that Herod had given
no occasion to suspect [that he was displeased at him], but put
this question to Hyrcanus, Whether he had received any letters
from Malchus? and when he answered that he had received letters,
but those of salutation only; and when he asked further, whether
he had not received any presents from him? and when he had
replied that he had received no more than four horses to ride on,
which Malchus had sent him; they pretended that Herod charged
these upon him as the crimes of bribery and treason, and gave
order that he should be led away and slain. And in order to
demonstrate that he had been guilty of no offense, when he was
thus brought to his end, they alleged how mild his temper had
been, and that even in his youth he had never given any
demonstration of boldness or rashness, and that the case was the
same when he came to be king, but that he even then committed the
management of the greatest part of public affairs to Antipater;
and that he was now above fourscore years old, and knew that
Herod's government was in a secure state. He also came over
Euphrates, and left those who greatly honored him beyond that
river, though he were to be entirely under Herod's government;
and that it was a most incredible thing that he should enterprise
any thing by way of innovation, and not at all agreeable to his
temper, but that this was a plot of Herod's contrivance.
4. And this was the fate of Hyrcanus; and thus did he end his
life, after he had endured various and manifold turns of fortune
in his lifetime. For he was made high priest of the Jewish nation
in the beginning of his mother Alexandra's reign, who held the
government nine years; and when, after his mother's death, he
took the kingdom himself, and held it three months, he lost it,
by the means of his brother Aristobulus. He was then restored by
Pompey, and received all sorts of honor from him, and enjoyed
them forty years; but when he was again deprived by Antigonus,
and was maimed in his body, he was made a captive by the
Parthians, and thence returned home again after some time, on
account of the hopes that Herod had given him; none of which came
to pass according to his expectation, but he still conflicted
with many misfortunes through the whole course of his life; and,
what was the heaviest calamity of all, as we have related
already, he came to an end which was undeserved by him. His
character appeared to be that of a man of a mild and moderate
disposition, and suffered the administration of affairs to be
generally done by others under him. He was averse to much
meddling with the public, nor had shrewdness enough to govern a
kingdom. And both Antipater and Herod came to their greatness by
reason of his mildness; and at last he met with such an end from
them as was not agreeable either to justice or piety.
5. Now Herod, as soon as he had put Hyrcanus out of the way, made
haste to Caesar; and because he could not have any hopes of
kindness from him, on account of the friendship he had for
Antony, he had a suspicion of Alexandra, lest she should take
this opportunity to bring the multitude to a revolt, and
introduce a sedition into the affairs of the kingdom; so he
committed the care of every thing to his brother Pheroras, and
placed his mother Cypros, and his sister [Salome], and the whole
family at Masada, and gave him a charge, that if he should hear
any sad news about him, he should take care of the government.
But as to Mariamne his wife, because of the misunderstanding
between her and his sister, and his sister's mother, which made
it impossible for them to live together, he placed her at
Alexandrium, with Alexandra her mother, and left his treasurer
Joseph and Sohemus of Iturea to take care of that fortress. These
two had been very faithful to him from the beginning, and were
now left as a guard to the women. They also had it in charge,
that if they should hear any mischief had befallen him, they
should kill them both, and, as far as they were able, to preserve
the kingdom for his sons, and for his brother Pheroras.
6. When he had given them this charge, he made haste to Rhodes,
to meet Caesar; and when he had sailed to that city, he took off
his diadem, but remitted nothing else of his usual dignity. And
when, upon his meeting him, he desired that he would let him
speak to him, he therein exhibited a much more noble specimen of
a great soul; for he did not betake himself to supplications, as
men usually do upon such occasions, nor offered him any petition,
as if he were an offender; but, after an undaunted manner, gave
an account of what he had done; for he spake thus to Caesar: That
he had the greatest friendship for Antony, and did every thing he
could that he might attain the government; that he was not indeed
in the army with him, because the Arabians had diverted him; but
that he had sent him both money and corn, which was but too
little in comparison of what he ought to have done for him; "for
if a man owns himself to be another's friend, and knows him to be
a benefactor, he is obliged to hazard every thing, to use every
faculty of his soul, every member of his body, and all the wealth
he hath, for him, in which I confess I have been too deficient.
However, I am conscious to myself, that so far I have done right,
that I have not deserted him upon his defeat at Actium; nor upon
the evident change of his fortune have I transferred my hopes
from him to another, but have preserved myself, though not as a
valuable fellow soldier, yet certainly as a faithful counselor,
to Antony, when I demonstrated to him that the only way that he
had to save himself, and not to lose all his authority, was to
slay Cleopatra; for when she was once dead, there would be room
for him to retain his authority, and rather to bring thee to make
a composition with him, than to continue at enmity any longer.
None of which advises would he attend to, but preferred his own
rash resolution before them, which have happened unprofitably for
him, but profitably for thee. Now, therefore, in case thou
determinest about me, and my alacrity in serving Antony,
according to thy anger at him, I own there is no room for me to
deny what I have done, nor will I be ashamed to own, and that
publicly too, that I had a great kindness for him. But if thou
wilt put him out of the case, and only examine how I behave
myself to my benefactors in general, and what sort of friend I
am, thou wilt find by experience that we shall do and be the same
to thyself, for it is but changing the names, and the firmness of
friendship that we shall bear to thee will not be disapproved by
thee."
7. By this speech, and by his behavior, which showed Caesar the
frankness of his mind, he greatly gained upon him, who was
himself of a generous and magnificent temper, insomuch that those
very actions, which were the foundation of the accusation against
him, procured him Caesar's good-will. Accordingly, he restored
him his diadem again; and encouraged him to exhibit himself as
great a friend to himself as he had been to Antony, and then had
him in great esteem. Moreover, he added this, that Quintus Didius
had written to him that Herod had very readily assisted him in
the affair of the gladiators. So when he had obtained such a kind
reception, and had, beyond all his hopes, procured his crown to
be more entirely and firmly settled upon him than ever by
Caesar's donation, as well as by that decree of the Romans, which
Caesar took care to procure for his greater security, he
conducted Caesar on his way to Egypt, and made presents, even
beyond his ability, to both him and his friends, and in general
behaved himself with great magnanimity. He also desired that
Caesar would not put to death one Alexander, who had been a
companion of Antony; but Caesar had sworn to put him to death,
and so he could not obtain that his petition. And now he returned
to Judea again with greater honor and assurance than ever, and
affrighted those that had expectations to the contrary, as still
acquiring from his very dangers greater splendor than before, by
the favor of God to him. So he prepared for the reception of
Caesar, as he was going out of Syria to invade Egypt; and when he
came, he entertained him at Ptolemais with all royal
magnificence. He also bestowed presents on the army, and brought
them provisions in abundance. He also proved to be one of
Caesar's most cordial friends, and put the army in array, and
rode along with Caesar, and had a hundred and fifty men, well
appointed in all respects, after a rich and sumptuous manner, for
the better reception of him and his friends. He also provided
them with what they should want, as they passed over the dry
desert, insomuch that they lacked neither wine nor water, which
last the soldiers stood in the greatest need of; and besides, he
presented Caesar with eight hundred talents, and procured to
himself the good-will of them all, because he was assisting to
them in a much greater and more splendid degree than the kingdom
he had obtained could afford; by which means he more and more
demonstrated to Caesar the firmness of his friendship, and his
readiness to assist him; and what was of the greatest advantage
to him was this, that his liberality came at a seasonable time
also. And when they returned again out of Egypt, his assistances
were no way inferior to the good offices he had formerly done
them.
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