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The Religious Peace of Augsburg (1555) did not put an end to
the struggle between the Catholics and Protestants in Germany.
Feeling on both sides was too intense to permit either party to be
satisfied with the arrangement or to accept it as a permanent definition
of their respective rights. The German Catholics were indignant that
a party that had sprung up so recently and that had done such injury to
their Church and country, should be rewarded for heresy and disloyalty
to the Emperor by such concessions. Nor was their indignation likely
to be appeased by the manner in which Lutheran and Calvinist preachers
caricatured and denounced the doctrines and practices of the Catholic
world. Possibly it was, however, the clause of the Augsburg Peace
known as the "Ecclesiasticum Reservatum" that gave rise to the most
heated controversies, and played the greatest part in bringing about
civil war. By this clause it was provided that in case any of the
bishops and abbots passed over to the reformed religion they could not
bring with them the ecclesiastical property attached to their office.
The Lutherans, who had benefited so largely by such secessions from
the Church in the past, objected to this clause at the Diet, and
protested against the decision when their objections were overruled.
Having realised that the Emperor was unable or unwilling to prevent
them they continued to act in open defiance of the "Ecclesiasticam
Reservatum". Where the territories of a Catholic bishop were
situated in close proximity to the states of Protestant princes
recourse was had to various devices to acquire the lands of the
Church. Sometimes the bishop was induced to surrender them in return
for a fixed grant or pension, sometimes the chapter was persuaded to
elect as bishop some scion of a princely family, who was well-known to
have leanings towards Protestantism, and in a few cases the bishops
themselves solved the problem by seceding from the Catholic Church
while continuing to administer the territories to which their episcopal
office was their only title. In this way two archbishoprics and
fourteen bishoprics, amongst them being such wealthy Sees as
Magdeburg, Bremen, Brandenburg, and Osnabruck had passed into the
hands of the Lutherans, and it required a very special effort to
prevent two such important centres as Cologne and Aachen from meeting
with a similar fate. Gebhard, Archbishop of Cologne, a man of
scandalously immoral life, completed his infamous career by taking as
his wife one who had been his concubine, announcing at the same time
that he had gone over to Calvinism. The chapter of Cologne
Cathedral backed by the people took steps to rid themselves of such a
superior, and the chapter was supported warmly by both Pope and
Emperor. Gebhard was obliged to escape to Strassburg in the
cathedral of which he held a canonry, and where he succeeded in
creating confusion. Two archbishops claimed the See of Strassburg,
one loyal to the Catholic Church and one favouring Protestantism.
This disgraceful contention went on for years, till at last the
Protestant champion was induced to surrender on the payment of a large
composition. The See of Aachen was seized by force in 1581, and
was held for fifteen years, at the end of which the Protestants were
obliged to abandon their claims.
Unfortunately for the Catholics the Emperors who succeeded Charles
V were not strong enough to deal with such a dangerous situation.
Ferdinand I, sincere Catholic though he was, mindful of the
terrible disasters brought upon his country by the religious wars,
strove with all his might against their renewal. His successor
Maximilian II (1564-76) was so strongly inclined towards
Protestantism that he made many concessions to the Protestants even in
his own hereditary dominions. He invited distinguished Lutheran
preachers to Vienna, conferred on Protestants influential positions
at court, and gave permission for Protestant religious services at
least to the nobles of Bohemia, Silesia, and Hungary. Several of
the prince-bishops anxious to stand well with the Emperor attempted to
introduce reforms in Catholic liturgy and Catholic practices without
any reference to the Holy See. The alarming spread of Protestantism
in Austria, Hungary, Bohemia, and Silesia, fostered as it was by
the general policy of the Emperor, tended to make the position of the
Catholic Church extremely insecure.[142]
But fortunately at that time a strong Catholic reaction began to make
itself felt. The reforming decrees of the Council of Trent did not
fail to produce a decided improvement in the condition of the bishops
and clergy. The new religious orders, particularly the Jesuits, had
thrown themselves into the work of defending the Catholic position,
and the colleges established by the Jesuits were turning out the
younger generation of Catholics well-equipped for the struggle that
lay before them. The catechisms which the Jesuit preachers scattered
broadcast through the country, and the attention paid by them to the
proper religious instruction of the people helped to remove the bad
impressions produced by the misrepresentations of the Lutherans, and
tended to arouse a strong, healthy, educated Catholic opinion in
public life. Fortunately, too, at the time when the Emperors were a
danger rather than a protection to the Church, the rules of Bavaria
undertook boldly the defence of the old religion, and placed themselves
at the head of the Catholic forces.[143] Albert V
(1550-79) insisted on the promulgation of the decrees of the
Council of Trent, and made an oath of loyalty to the Catholic
Church an indispensable condition for office in his kingdom. He
favoured the Jesuits, encouraged their schools, and did everything in
his power to strengthen Catholicism amongst his subjects. His policy
was continued by Maximilian I (1598-1651), who became
the recognised leader of the advanced Catholic party in Germany.
This general unexpected revival, the success of which was shown by the
fervour of the people, the unwillingness of the authorities to make any
further concessions, and the determination of all parties to insist on
the strict observance of the "Ecclesiasticum Reservatum" filled the
Protestants with such alarm that their princes began to insist on new
guarantees. The Emperor, Rudolph II (1576-1612),
though, unlike his predecessor, a good Catholic, was a most
incompetent ruler, devoting most of his time to alchemy and other such
studies rather than to the work of government. He endeavoured to solve
the religious difficulties in Silesia and Bohemia by yielding to the
Protestant demands (1609), but the interference of his brother
Matthias led to new complications, and finally to Rudolph's
abdication of the sovereignty of Bohemia (1611). Frederick
IV of the Palatinate was a strong Protestant, and was closely
connected with the reforming party in England, Holland, and
France. He thought he saw in the strife between the members of the
House of Habsburg an opportunity of improving the position of
Protestantism in the empire, of weakening the claims of the House of
Habsburg to the imperial dignity, and possibly also of establishing
himself as ruler of a united Germany.
An incident that took place at Donauworth,[144] a city near the
Rhine, helped him to realise his scheme of a great Protestant
federation. This city was almost exclusively Catholic in 1555,
but in one way or another the Protestants had succeeded in improving
their position till at last only the abbey church remained to the
Catholics. Here on the Feast of Corpus Christi in the year
1606 the customary procession of the Blessed Sacrament was
attacked and dispersed, and the Catholics were treated with the
greatest cruelty. When the matter was brought before the Emperor the
city was placed under the ban of the empire, and Maximilian I of
Bavaria was entrusted with the task of carrying out the decree. He
advanced with a strong army and captured the city. As the war
indemnity could not be raised he retained possession of it, restoring
to the Catholics everything they had lost. Frederick IV made a
strong appeal to the Protestant princes to show their resentment at
such an act of aggression, pointing out to them that the fate of
Donauworth would be the fate of all their territories unless they took
united action. As a consequence when both parties met at the Diet of
Regensburg (1608) the excitement was intense, and when the
Emperor appealed to his princes for support against the Turks, the
Protestants refused to lend their aid unless they received satisfactory
explanations. The Catholics, encouraged by Maximilian, were
equally unconciliatory, with the result that the Diet disbanded
without having been able to arrive at an agreement.
A short time after the Diet most of the Protestant princes met at
Ahausen and formed a confederation known as the "Union" (1608)
at the head of which stood Frederick IV of the Palatinate, while
a little later a large number of the Catholic princes bound themselves
together in the "League" and accepted Maximilian of Bavaria as
their leader (1609). Thus Germany was divided once again into
two hostile camps, and only a very trifling incident was required to
plunge the country into another civil war. For a time it seemed as if
the succession to the Duchy of Cleves was to be the issue that would
lead to the catastrophe. Duke John William of Cleves had died
without any direct heir, and as the religious issue was still undecided
in his territory, the appointment of a successor was a matter of the
greatest importance to both parties. The Emperor with the approval of
the "League" nominated his brother Leopold as administrator, while
the "Union", having strengthened itself by an alliance with
France, was prepared to take the field in favour of a Protestant.
Henry IV of France, anxious to turn the disputes that had broken
out between the different members of the imperial family to the
advantage of himself and his country, was actually on his way to take
part in the campaign when he was assassinated. On his death both
parties agreed to a temporary truce (1610), and thus the outbreak
of the war was delayed for some time.
This delay was very fortunate for the Catholics in Germany. With
such an Emperor as Rudolph pitted against a man like Henry IV
there could have been very little doubt about the issue. Even in his
own territories Rudolph could not maintain his authority against his
brother Matthias, in whose interest he was obliged to abdicate the
throne of Bohemia (1611). On the death of Rudolph (1612)
Matthias succeeded though not without considerable difficulty. As
Emperor he showed himself much less favourable to the Protestants than
he had been during the years when he was disputing with his brother,
but, however well inclined, he was powerless to put an end to the
division that existed or to control the policy of the "League" or the
"Union". The Duchy of Cleves was still an object of dispute.
While the German Protestants invoked the aid of William of Orange
and the Dutch Calvinists, the Catholics called in the forces of
Spain. The Emperor could merely look on while his subjects allied
themselves with foreigners to settle their own domestic troubles.
Meanwhile far more serious trouble was brewing in Bohemia, where the
followers of Hus had blended with the disciples of Luther, and where
in many centres there was a strong feeling against the Catholic
Church. According to the concessions granted by Rudolph
(1609), knights and free cities were at liberty to build
Protestant churches, but a similar concession was not made to the
subjects of Catholic lords. Regardless of or misinterpreting the
terms of the concession, however, the Protestant tenants of the
Archbishop of Prague and of the Abbot of Braunau built churches for
their own use. The archbishop and abbot, considering themselves
aggrieved, appealed to the imperial court. According to the decision
of this court the church built on the lands of the archbishop was to be
pulled down, and the other on the lands of the abbot was to be closed
(1618). A deputation representing the Protestant party was
appointed to interview the imperial representatives at Prague, and the
reply to their remonstrances being regarded as unfavourable, the mob
attacked the building, and hurled the councillors who were supposed to
be responsible for it through the windows.
Under the direction of Count Thurn and some other Protestant nobles
a provisional government was established in Bohemia, arrangements were
made to organise an army, and as a beginning in the work of reform the
Jesuits were expelled. Owing to the strong anti-German feeling of
the populace the rebellion spread rapidly in Bohemia, and Count
Mansfeld hastened to the relief of the insurgents with an army placed
at his disposal by the "Union". Most of the cities of Bohemia were
captured by the rebels, and the whole of northern Austria stood in the
gravest danger. At this critical moment the Emperor Matthias passed
away, and was succeeded by Ferdinand II (1619-37). The
latter was a devoted Catholic, trained by the Jesuits, and had
already done immense service to the Church by wiping out almost every
trace of heresy in his hereditary dominions. That such a man should
succeed to the imperial dignity at such a time was highly distasteful to
the Protestants of Bohemia. It was not, therefore, to be wondered
at that they refused to acknowledge him as king, and elected in his
stead Frederick V of the Palatinate (1619).
The situation looked exceedingly serious for Ferdinand II. On the
one side he was being pressed hard by the Turks, and on the other he
was beset so closely by the Bohemian rebels that even the very city of
Vienna was in danger of falling into their hands. His opponent
Frederick V could rely upon the forces of the "Union" in the
campaign, and besides, as the son-in-law of James I of England
and the nephew of Maurice of Orange the successful leader of the
Dutch and the sworn ally of the French Huguenots, Frederick had
little difficulty in persuading himself that at last Europe was to be
freed from the domination of the House of Habsburg. He marched into
Bohemia, and was crowned solemnly at Prague in 1619. But if
Frederick could count upon support from many quarters so, too, could
Ferdinand. Maximilian II of Bavaria was active on his side, as
were indeed the whole forces of the "League". Saxony, too, which
was devoted to Lutheranism and detested the Calvinist tendencies of
Frederick, fearing that a victory for him might mean a victory for
Calvinism, ranged itself under the banner of the Emperor. The Pope
sent generous subsidies, as did also Spain. Finally, during the
course of the campaign Ferdinand was fortunate in having the service of
two of the ablest generals of their time, Tilly,[145] who commanded
the forces of the "League", and Wallenstein[146] who had charge of
the imperial troops. Maximilian of Bavaria marched into Austria at
the head of the army of the "League" and drove the rebels back into
Bohemia, whither he followed them, and inflicted upon them a severe
defeat in the battle of the White Mountain (1620). Frederick
was obliged to save himself by flight after a reign of a few months.
The leaders of the rebellion were arrested and put to death. In
return for the services he had rendered Maximilian of Bavaria became
ruler of the Palatinate, from which Frederick had been deposed. But
though Frederick was defeated the struggle was by no means finished.
The Count of Mansfeld, acting on behalf of the "Union", espoused
the cause of the Palgrave and was supported by an army led by
Christian IV of Denmark, Frederick's brother-in-law, who
marched into Germany to the aid of his friends. James I of
England, though unwilling to despatch an army, helped by grants of
money. The war was renewed with great vigour, but the allies had
little chance of success against two such experienced generals as Tilly
and Wallenstein. Christian IV suffered a terrible defeat at the
Barenberg near Lutter (1626), and three years later he was
forced to agree to the Peace of Lubeck (1629), by which he
promised to withdraw from Germany and never again to mix himself up in
its domestic affairs.
The forces of the Emperor and of the "League" were so victorious
all along the line that the former felt himself strong enough to deal
with the burning question of the ecclesiastical property that had been
seized. In a short time he issued what is known as the "Edict of
Restitution" (1629), by which he ordered that all property
acquired by the Protestants contrary to the "Ecclesiasticum
Reservatum" clause of the Peace of Augsburg (1555) should be
restored. He commanded, besides, that the terms of the Peace of
Passau-Augsburg should be strictly observed, allowed Catholic and
Protestant princes the right of establishing their own religion in
their own territories ("Cuius regio illius religio"), and
permitted Protestant subjects of Catholic princes who felt their
consciences aggrieved to emigrate if they wished to do so. About the
justice of this decree there could be very little dispute, for it dealt
only with the return of what had been acquired by open or veiled
spoliation, but it may well be doubted whether it was prudent
considering the circumstances of the case. In the first place, it
meant the loss of enormous territories for some of the Protestant
princes who had enriched themselves from the lands of the bishops and
abbots. During the earlier stages of the war many of those men had
stood loyally by the Emperor in his struggle against rebels and foreign
invaders, but now, mindful of their own temporal interests and the
future of their religion, they were prepared to range themselves on the
side of their co-religionists in what had become purely a religious
war. France, too, alarmed by the victory of Ferdinand II, and
fearing that a victory for the House of Habsburg might lead to the
establishment of a united empire and the indefinite postponement of the
project of securing for France the provinces along the Rhine, was
only too glad to pledge its support to the Protestant princes in the
war against the Emperor. The young and valiant king of Sweden,
Gustavus Adolphus,[147] was a keen spectator of the trend of affairs
in Germany, and was anxious to secure for his country the German
provinces along the shores of the Baltic. He was not without hopes
also that, by putting himself forward as the champion of Protestantism
and by helping the Protestant princes to overthrow the House of
Habsburg, he might set up for himself on the ruins of the Holy Roman
Empire a great Protestant confederacy embracing most of Northern
Europe. Finally, even though Saxony had been induced by special
concessions to accept the Edict of Restitution, it might have been
anticipated that in a purely religious struggle between Catholics and
Protestants hatred of the Roman Church would prove stronger than the
prejudices against Geneva, and its ruler would be forced to join the
enemies of the Emperor.
Gustavus Adolphus, having strengthened himself by a formal agreement
with France, marched into Germany at the head of a body of picked
troops (1630). He issued a proclamation announcing that he had
come to free the Germans from slavery, and he opened negotiations with
the Protestant princes, some of whom to do them justice showed
themselves very reluctant to become allies of a foreign invader.
Ferdinand II was but poorly prepared to meet such an attack. The
imperial troops had been disbanded, and what was much worse,
Wallenstein had retired into private life. Many of the Catholic
princes, notably Maximilian of Bavaria, resented his rapid promotion
and the grant that had been made to him of the Duchy of Mecklenburg.
They prejudiced the mind of Ferdinand against him just at the time his
services were most urgently required. Nor, when the first fit of zeal
had passed away, were all the Catholic princes anxious to hasten to
the support of the Emperor. Tilly with the forces of the "League"
advanced to bar the progress of the Swedes. He was defeated at
Breitenfeld (1631) and his army was nearly destroyed. Gustavus
Adolphus pushed rapidly forward towards Bavaria, captured the cities
of Wurzburg, Mainz, and Augsburg, and for a time it seemed as if
his advance to Vienna was going to be a triumphal march. Over-joyed
with the success of his campaign he began to act as if he were really
emperor of Germany, thereby giving great offence to many of his
German followers. His dreams of power were, however, brought to an
abrupt termination. In April 1632 he fought an indecisive battle
at Rain on the Lech, where Tilly was wounded mortally, but in
November he was slain at Lutzen though his army was victorious.
Ferdinand found himself in great danger. He appealed for aid to
Urban VIII and to Spain but at first the former, believing that
the struggle was more political than religious, refused to assist him,
though later on, when he realised that the very existence of the
Catholic Church in the empire was endangered, he changed his mind and
forwarded generous subsidies. Maximilian of Bavaria, who had held
aloof for a time, espoused warmly the cause of the Emperor, and
Wallenstein, who had been recalled in the hour of danger, raised an
immense army in an incredibly short space of time. Oxenstierna, the
chancellor of Sweden, took up the work of his master Adolphus and
succeeded in bringing about an alliance with the Protestant princes
(1633). So low had the national feeling sunk in the empire that
the Protestant princes consented to appoint this upstart as director of
the campaign and to fight under his command. France supplied the funds
to enable the Swedes to carry on the war. For some time very little
was done on either side. Negotiations were carried on by Wallenstein
with the Swedes, with Saxony, and with France. It was represented
to the Emperor that his chosen general was guilty of gross disloyalty.
Though the charge of absolute disloyalty has not been proved, still
certain actions of Wallenstein coupled with his inactivity gave good
colour to the accusation. The Emperor dismissed him from his
command, and a little later he was murdered by some of his own
soldiers.
The war and the negotiations were renewed alternately, but without any
result as peace was not desired by either Sweden or France. At last
the forces of the Emperor gained a signal victory at Nordlingen
(1634). This success had at least one good result in that it
detached the Elector of Saxony from the side of Sweden. He had
never thrown himself whole-heartedly into the struggle, as he disliked
the idea of supporting a foreign invader against his own Emperor, and
was not sorry to escape from a very awkward position. The Peace of
Prague was concluded between the Emperor and Saxony (1635),
according to which the Edict of Restitution was abandoned in great
measure, and religious freedom was guaranteed to the Protestants of
Silesia.
But to promote their own interests the Swedes and the French insisted
on complete equality between the Protestants and Catholics as an
indispensable condition for peace. From this time onward it was a
purely political struggle, inspired solely by the desire of these two
countries to weaken Germany and to break the power of the House of
Habsburg. On the death of Ferdinand II in 1637 it was
thought that the war might have been ended, but these hopes were
disappointed. Ferdinand III (1637-57) who succeeded
offered a general amnesty at the Diet of Regensburg (1641)
without avail. French soldiers crossed the frontiers to support the
Swedes and the Protestants. Finally after long negotiations the
Peace of Westphalia (1648) put an end to a struggle, in which
Germany had suffered enormously, and from which foreigners were to
derive the greatest benefits.
The Peace of Westphalia was dictated to Germany by France and
Sweden. As a reward for the injury they had inflicted on the country
both received large slices of German territory. France insisted on
getting possession of Alsace, while Sweden received large grants of
territory along the Baltic together with a war indemnity of five
million thalers. In order to provide compensation for the secular
princes, portion of whose territories had been ceded to these two
powers, and also to reward others who had suffered for their alliance
with Sweden, the secularisation of a considerable amount of the
ecclesiastical states was arranged. Saxony, Brandenburg,
Hesse-Cassel, Brunswick, and Mecklenburg were enriched by the
acquisition of lands formerly ruled over by the bishops and abbots.
This step meant that the Protestant states of Germany were
strengthened at the expense of the Catholic Church, and that the
people of these districts being now transferred to Protestant rulers
were in great danger of being drawn over to the religion of their new
masters. The jurisdiction of the bishops was abolished in these
territories, and even in some of the new chapters, as for example at
Osnabruck, Protestant canons were installed side by side with
Catholics.
Furthermore, it was arranged that the terms of the Peace of Augsburg
should be observed, with this important change, that the rights
guaranteed in it to the Lutherans should be extended even to those who
did not accept the Augsburg Confession. This concession was intended
to meet the demands of the Calvinists. Again, complete equality was
established between Catholics and Protestants in the empire. To give
effect to this clause it was arranged that in all imperial committees
and courts both parties should be represented in equal numbers. In
case religious issues were discussed at the Diet, where the Catholics
still had the majority, it was agreed that the matter should not be
decided by voting but by friendly compromise. The princes were
permitted to determine the religion of their subjects, the principal
restriction being that those subjects who were in the enjoyment of a
certain form of public or private religious worship in 1624 should
not be forced to change their religion. For the others nothing
remained but to seek a home where their conscientious convictions might
be respected. In regard to ecclesiastical property the year 1624
was taken as the normal year, the property that the Protestants held
in that year being allowed to remain in their hands. The
"Ecclesiasticum Reservatum" clause was retained, and made
obligatory on both parties. These terms, it was provided, should not
extend to the Protestants in the hereditary dominions of the Emperor.
The Peace of Westphalia by its practical recognition of state
neutrality in religious matters put an end to the constitution of the
Holy Roman Empire, and reduced the Emperor to the position of a
mere figurehead, depending for strength entirely on his own hereditary
states. Instead of preventing disunion it made national unity almost
impossible, and exposed Germany to attack from any hostile neighbour
who might wish to strengthen himself by encouraging strife amongst its
various states. Besides, it inflicted a severe injury on the Church
not merely by its recognition of the Protestant religion, but by the
seizure of ecclesiastical property, the abolition of bishoprics, the
interference with cathedral chapters, and the recognition of the right
of the temporal sovereign to determine the religion of his subjects.
It was no wonder then that the papal legate Fabio Chigi lodged a
strong protest against the Peace, and that the protest was renewed in
the most solemn form by Innocent X (1648).[148] This action
was not inspired by the Pope's opposition to peace. On the
contrary, again and again during the civil war the Holy See had
sought to bring about a friendly understanding, but no Pope, unless
he was disloyal to the trust confided in him, could permit such
interference in purely religious matters without making it clear that he
was not a consenting party. Innocent X foresaw that this was but
the herald of new claims on the part of the civil rulers, and that in a
short time even the Catholic sovereigns would endeavour to regulate the
ecclesiastical affairs of their subjects without reference to the
authority of the Church. Nor was it long until events showed that his
suspicions were not without good foundation.
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