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John Calvin, from whom the heresy takes its name, was born at Noyon
in Picardy in 1509. In accordance with the wishes of his father
he studied philosophy and theology at the University of Paris, where
he was supported mainly from the fruits of the ecclesiastical benefices
to which he had been appointed to enable him to pursue his studies.
Later on he began to waver about his career in life, and without
abandoning entirely his hopes of becoming an ecclesiastic he turned his
attention to law in the Universities of Orleans and Bourges. In
French intellectual circles of this period a certain spirit of unrest
and a contempt for old views and old methods might be detected. The
Renaissance ideas, so widespread on the other side of the Alps, had
made their way into France, where they found favour with some of the
university professors, and created a feeling of distrust and suspicion
in the minds of those to whom Scholasticism was the highest ideal.
Margaret of Navarre, sister of the king, showed herself the generous
patron and defender of the new movement, and secured for it the
sympathy and to some extent the support of Francis I. A few of the
friends of the Renaissance in France were not slow to adopt the
religious ideas of Luther, though not all who were suspected of heresy
by the extreme champions of Scholasticism had any intention of joining
in a movement directed against the defined doctrines or constitution of
the Catholic Church.
As a student at Bourges, Calvin was brought into close relations
with Melchior Wolmar, a German Humanist, who was strongly
Lutheran in his tendencies, and through whom he became enamoured of
Luther's teaching on Justification. On his return to Paris he was
soon remarkable as a strong partisan of the advanced section of the
university, and by his ability and determination he did much to win
over the Renaissance party to the religious teaching that had become so
widespread in Germany. As a result of an address delivered by
Nicholas Cop, rector of the university, and of several acts of
violence perpetrated in the capital by the friends of heresy Francis
I was roused to take action. Calvin, fearing death or
imprisonment, made his escape from Paris to Basle (1534).
Here he published his first and greatest theological treatise,
"Christianae Religionis Institutio", which he dedicated to the
King of France (1536). The work was divided into four
sections, namely, God the Creator, God the Redeemer, Grace,
and the External Means for Salvation. Both in its style and in its
arguments drawn from the Scriptures, the Fathers, and the
theologians of the Middle Ages, it was far superior, at least for
educated readers, to the best that had been produced by Luther and
even to the "Loci Communes" of Melanchthon.
He arrived at Basle at a time when a crisis had arisen in the
political and religious development of Geneva. For a long period the
House of Savoy was seeking for an opportunity to annex the territory
of Vaud extending along the Lake of Geneva, and the episcopal cities
of Geneva and Lausanne. Berne, too, had aspirations of a similar
kind. The authorities of Berne, having adopted the Zwinglian
doctrine, thought that in it they had a means at their hand to detach
Geneva and Lausanne from any sympathy with Savoy and to secure these
territories for themselves. They despatched preachers to Geneva,
where there were already two political factions, one advocating a
closer alliance with Savoy, another clamouring for a union with
Berne. The supporters of Berne rallied round William Farel and the
Zwinglian ministers, while the friends of Savoy undertook to champion
the old religion. The whole struggle was at bottom political rather
than religious, but the triumph of the republican adherents of Berne
meant victory for the reforming party in Geneva. The Duke of Savoy
issued a declaration of war against the rebels to whom the Canton of
Berne had pledged support (1534). As a result the forces of
Savoy were driven out of Geneva and the Vaud, a close union was
formed between Geneva and Berne, and every effort was made to spread
the new religion in the city and among the Vaudois. A Zwinglian
university was established at Lausanne, which exercised a great
influence in propagating the new doctrine, and which had the honour of
counting among its students Theodore Beza[79] the most gifted and
learned assistant of Calvin.
But though the Vaudois had been won over, Geneva was by no means
secured for the reformers. Farel and his followers, finding
themselves involved in serious difficulties, appealed to Calvin to
help them in completing the work they had begun. In 1536 Calvin
accepted this invitation, and took up his residence at Geneva.
Gifted with great powers as an organiser and administrator he soon
restored order in the city, and won over the people to his doctrines.
Himself a man of very strict notions, in whose eyes all even the most
harmless amusements appeared sinful or dangerous, he was determined
that his followers must accept his views. Under his rule Geneva,
formerly so gay, became like a city of death, where all citizens went
about as if in mourning. Such an unnatural condition of affairs could
not be permanent. The people soon grew tired of their dictator and of
his methods; the authorities of Berne were roused to hostility by his
refusal to accept their doctrinal programme or their model religious
organisation; the Synod of Lausanne declared against him for a
similar reason, and in 1538 he and his principal supporters were
driven from the city. Cardinal Sadoleto took occasion to address a
stirring appeal to Geneva to return to the old faith, but his appeal
fell upon deaf ears.
Calvin retired at first to Strassburg, and later he took charge of a
parish in France. During the interval he devoted himself to a closer
study of the disputed religious questions, and wrote much in favour of
the Reformation. It was at this time (1540) that he married the
widow of one of the Anabaptist leaders. Meanwhile Geneva was torn by
disputes between two factions, the Libertines as they were called,
who were opposed to Calvin, and the Guillermins, who clamoured for
his return. The latter body gained ground rapidly, and a decree was
issued recalling Calvin to Geneva (October 1540). Knowing
well that his presence was necessary to restore peace to the city he
refused to return unless the conditions imposed by him should be
accepted. In the end he went back to Geneva practically as its
religious and political dictator (1541).
The form of government introduced was theocratic. Calvin was
recognised as the spiritual and temporal ruler of the city. He was
assisted in the work of government by the Consistory, which was
composed of six clerics and twelve laymen. The latter was the worst
form of inquisition court, taking cognisance of the smallest
infractions of the rules laid down for the conduct of the citizens, and
punishing them by the severest form of punishment. Any want of respect
for the Consistory or opposition to its authority was treated as a
rebellion against God. Calvin formulated a very severe code of rules
for the guidance of the people not merely in their duties as citizens
and as members of his religious organisation, but also in their social
intercourse with one another. Even the privacy of family life was not
sacred in his eyes. All kinds of amusements, theatres, dances,
cards, &c., were banned as ungodly, as were also extravagance of
dress and anything savouring of frivolity. Nobody was allowed to sell
wine or beer except a limited number of merchants licensed to do so by
the Consistory.
Nor were these mere empty regulations designed only to keep religion
before the eyes of the people without any intention of enforcing them.
The preachers were invested with extraordinary powers, and were
commissioned to make house to house visitations, to inquire about
violations of the rules. In their reports to the Congregation and to
the Consistory they noted even the most minute transgressions. Not
content with this Calvin had his spies in all parts of the city, who
reported to him what people were saying about his methods and his
government. The punishment meted out by the courts were of a very
severe and brutal kind. No torture that could be inflicted was deemed
too much for any one bold enough to criticise the Consistory or the
dictator.
It was natural that such methods should be highly distasteful to those
of the citizens of Geneva who were not religious fanatics. A strong
party tried to resist him. They accused him of being much more
tyrannical than the Pope, but Calvin denounced such opponents as
libertines, heretics, and atheists. He handed them over to the devil
at least in so far as his ecclesiastical censures were effective,[80]
threatened the severest spiritual punishment against their aiders and
abettors, and when all such means of reproof failed he had recourse to
the secular arm.
Sebastian Castellio, a well-known preacher and Scriptural scholar,
was punished because he could not agree with Calvin's teaching on
predestination, as was also the physician Bolsec; Ameaux one of the
members of the Council was put to death because he denounced the
tyranny of Calvin and of the Consistory; Gentilis was condemned to
execution for differing with Calvin's teaching on the Trinity, and
was compelled to make a most abject public retraction before he could
obtain a reprieve. Several of the citizens were punished with long
imprisonment for dancing even on the occasion of a wedding, as happened
in the case of Le Fevre, whose son-in-law was obliged to flee to
France because he resented warmly such methods of promoting religion.
In Geneva and in the adjoining territory all Catholic practices were
put down by violence, and the peasants were allowed no choice in their
religious views. Possibly, however, the most glaring example of
Calvin's tyranny and high-handed methods was his treatment of
Michael Servetus, a Spaniard who had written against the Trinity.
He was on a journey through the territory of Geneva and was doing
nothing to spread his doctrines nor acting in any way likely to bring
him under the ire of Calvin. The latter having heard of his presence
there had him arrested, tried, and condemned to death. To justify
such harshness he published a pamphlet in which he advocated death as
the only proper remedy for heresy. Theodore Beza wrote strongly in
support of this opinion of his master's, as did also Melanchthon
who, though differing from Calvin on so many points, hastened to
forward his warmest congratulations on the execution of
Servetus.[81]
Calvin's acts of cruelty were not the result of violent outbursts of
temper. By nature cold and immovable, he did not allow himself to be
hurried to extremes either by anger or by passion. How he succeeded in
maintaining his position for so many years in Geneva is intelligible
only to those who understand the strength of the religious fanaticism
that he was able to arouse amongst his followers, the terror which his
spiritual and temporal punishments inspired among his opponents, his
own wonderful capacity for organisation and administration, the
activity of his ministers and spies, and the almost perfect system of
repression that he adopted in his two-fold character of religious and
political dictator.
To strengthen his position and to provide for the continuance of his
system he established an academy at Geneva (1558) principally for
the study of theology and philosophy. It was attended by crowds of
scholars from Switzerland, France, Germany, the Netherlands,
England, and Scotland. By means of the academy, Calvinism was
spread throughout Switzerland notwithstanding the opposition of the
Zwinglian preachers, and Calvin's system of ecclesiastical
organisation became the model aimed at by his disciples in most
countries of Europe, notably France, the Netherlands, and
Scotland. The Zurich school, at the head of which stood
Bullinger, did not yield ground to the new teaching without a severe
struggle, and Calvin found himself obliged to come to terms with them
in the "Consensus Tigurninus" (1549). In his desire to
secure the religious unity of Switzerland he had no difficulty in
abandoning or minimising his own doctrine in the hope of overcoming or
winning over his opponents. After a life of tireless energy his health
began to fail in 1561, and three years later he passed away
(1564).
Calvin was a man of morose and gloomy temperament, severe even to
harshness with his followers, and utterly devoid of human sympathy.
Not so however his disciple and assistant Theodore Beza. The latter
was born in Burgundy in 1519, and after completing his classical
studies at Orleans he drifted to Paris, where he plunged into all the
pleasures and dissipations of the capital, and where at first he was
remarkable more for his love songs than for his theology. He devoted
himself to the study of law, and in 1539 he took his licentiate at
Paris. Having become attached to the opinions of the Swiss
Reformers he left Paris and settled at Geneva, where he fell
completely under the influence of Calvin, but not even Calvin's
temperament and system could change his naturally gay and sympathetic
disposition. For this reason he became a general favourite, and did
much to win the good- will of those who felt themselves rebelled by the
harshness of the dictator. Beza was, besides, a man of very superior
ability, and had been especially well equipped in Hebrew and in the
classics. He was master of a striking style whether he wrote in
French or in Latin, eloquent beyond most of his contemporaries, and
in every way capable of making a good impression not merely on the
ordinary citizen but on the more educated classes. His writings in
defence of Calvin's system and his translations of the Scriptures
gave him a great reputation throughout Europe, and gained for him a
commanding position in Geneva, where he died in 1605.
Calvin's system was modelled to a great extent on the doctrines of
Luther and Zwingli, but it was coloured largely by his own harsh and
morose disposition. For the distinguishing feature of his system,
namely, absolute predestination, he was dependent largely upon the
works of Wycliffe. Like Luther, he began with the assumption that
the condition of man before the Fall was entirely natural, and that
consequently by the Fall he was deprived of something that was
essential to his nature and without which human nature was completely
corrupted. Man was no longer free, and every act of his was sinful.
His want of freedom was the result of the play of external forces
directed and arranged by God, rather than of any internal necessity by
which he was forced to sin. God is, according to Calvin, the author
of sin, in the sense that he created a certain number of men to work
evil through them in order that He might have an opportunity of
displaying the divine attribute of mercy. Hence the motive of God in
bringing about evil is different from the motive of the sinner, and
therefore though the sinner is blameworthy God is nowise responsible
for his crime.
Adam sinned because it was decreed by God that he should fall in order
that the divine mercy should be manifested to the world. For the same
reason God did not intend that all should be equally good or that all
should be saved. He created some men that they might sin and that
their punishment might afford an example of God's justice, while He
made others that they might be saved to show His overwhelming mercy.
The former are condemned to hell by an irreversible decree, the
others, the elect, are predestined absolutely to glory. The elect
are assured of justification through the merits of Christ, and once
justified they are always justified, for justification cannot be lost.
Faith such as that advocated by Luther was the means of acquiring
justification, but, mindful of his other doctrine that even the best
of men's works are sinful, Calvin took care to explain that
justifying faith was only the instrument by which a man laid hold of the
merits of Christ. It was like a vessel which, though containing some
priceless treasure, was in itself worthless.
As might be expected, Calvin refused to admit that the sacraments
were endowed with any objective power of conferring Grace. In the
case of their reception by the elect, however, he held that they were
the means of strengthening the faith by which justification is
acquired, but for those predestined to damnation they were mere signs
without any spiritual effect. In regard to the Eucharist, while he
rejected the Catholic view of Transubtantiation, he maintained
against the Lutherans that Impanation or Companation was equally
absurd. Nor did he agree with Zwingli that the Eucharist is a mere
sign of Christ's love for men. According to him Christ is really
present, in the sense that though the bread and wine remain unchanged,
the predestined receive with the Eucharistic elements a heavenly food
that proceeds from the body of Christ in Heaven.
Like Luther he contended that the true Church of Christ is
invisible, consisting in his view only of the predestined, but,
realising the necessity for authority and organisation, he was driven
to hold that the invisible Church manifested itself through a visible
religious society. Unlike Luther, however, he was unwilling to
subordinate the Church to the civil power, believing as he did that it
was a society complete in itself and entirely independent of temporal
sovereigns. Each Calvinistic community should be to a great extent a
self- governing republic, all of them bound together into one body by
the religious synods, to which the individual communities should elect
representatives. The churches were to be ruled by pastors, elders,
and deacons. Candidates for the sacred ministry were to receive the
confirmation of their vocation by a call from some Calvinistic church
body, and were to be ordained by the imposition of the hands of the
presbyters or elders. For Calvin as for Luther the Holy Scriptures
were the sole rule of faith to be adopted by both the preachers and the
synods. The special illumination of the Holy Ghost was sufficient to
guard individuals from being deceived either in determining what books
are inspired, or what is the precise meaning which God wished to
convey in any particular book or passage.[82]
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