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Many causes combined to favour the introduction of the reformed
doctrines into France. Owing to the anti-papal attitude adopted by
the French theologians during the Great Western Schism, there was
still lurking in many circles a strong feeling against the Holy See
and in favour of a national Church, over which the Pope should retain
merely a supremacy of honour. Besides, the influence of the old
sects, the Albigenses and the Waldenses, had not disappeared
entirely, and the principles of the French mystics favoured the theory
of religious individualism, that lay behind the whole teaching of the
reformers. The Renaissance, too, was a power in France, more
especially in Paris, where it could boast of powerful patrons such as
Margaret of Navarre, sister of Francis I and wife of the King of
Navarre, the king's mistress, his favourite minister Du Bellay,
and the latter's brother, the Bishop of Paris. Not all the French
Humanists, however, were equally dangerous. A few of them were
undoubtedly favourable to Luther's views, while many others,
infuriated by the charges of unorthodoxy levelled against them, were
inclined to look with complacency on whatever was condemned by their
Scholastic opponents. The proximity of Strassburg, where Lutheran
and Zwinglian doctrines found support, and the close relations
existing between the Paris University and German scholars helped to
disseminate among Frenchmen the writings of Erasmus, Luther, and
Melanchthon and with them the new religious views.
Against the success of the Reformation in France was the fact that
the people, Latin rather than Teuton in their sympathies, were
thoroughly devoted to their religion and to the Holy See, that the
bishops though nominated by the king according to the Concordat of
1516, were more zealous than their German brethren, that in the
main Paris University, then the great centre of intellectual life in
France, was thoroughly Catholic, and that the queen-mother, the
chancellor of state, the leading ministers both lay and ecclesiastic,
and the parliamentary authorities could be relied upon to offer
Lutheranism their strongest opposition. Nor, however much Francis
I might be inclined to vacillate in the hope of securing the help of
the German Protestant princes in his struggle with the empire, had he
any desire to see his kingdom convulsed by the religious strife raging
on the other side of the Rhine.
In 1521 the Parliament of Paris with the approval of the king
forbade the publication of writings dealing with the new religious
views. Luther's books were condemned, and the Paris University
drew up a list of erroneous propositions extracted from the works of the
German theologians (1523). At the request of the queen-mother
the theological faculty of Paris formulated a plan for preventing the
spread of the German errors in France, the main points of which were
that heretical books should be forbidden, that the bishops should be
exhorted to seek out such works in their dioceses and have them
destroyed, and that the Sorbonne should have a free hand in
maintaining religious unity. Yet in spite of these precautions a
Lutheran community was formed at Meaux in the vicinity of Paris, and
in the South of France, where the Waldensian party was still
strong, Lutheran teaching found many supporters. In some places
various attempts were made to imitate the tactics adopted so
successfully at Wittenberg and Berne to bring about by force the
discontinuance of Catholic worship. But these attempts failed, owing
mainly to the independent attitude of the local parliaments and to the
energy of the bishops, who removed one of the most dangerous weapons
wielded by the heretics by insisting on a thorough reform of the
clergy.
But though Francis I had been moved to take action against the
sectaries, and though Calvin and other leaders were obliged to leave
France, the reforming party, relying on the influence of patrons like
Margaret of Navarre[83] and on the Humanist section at the
university and at the newly established College de France, felt
confident of ultimate success. They realised that the king was most
anxious to arrive at an understanding with the Protestant princes of
Germany against Charles V, and that therefore it was unlikely that
he would indulge in a violent persecution of their co-religionists at
home. They knew, too, that Francis I had set his heart on
securing complete control of the Church in his own dominions, as was
evident by the hard bargain which he drove with Leo X in the
Corcordat of 1516,[84] and they were not without hope that
Luther's teaching on the spiritual supremacy of the civil rulers might
prove an irresistible bait to a man of such a temperament.
Negotiations were opened with Francis I by some of the German
reformers, who offered to accept most of the Catholic doctrines
together with episcopal government if only the king would support their
cause (1534). As it was impossible to arrange for a conference,
the Lutheran party submitted a summary of their views embodied in
twelve articles to the judgment of the Sorbonne. In reply to this
communication the doctors of the Sorbonne, instead of wasting their
energies in the discussion of particular tenets, invited the Germans
to state explicitly whether or not they accepted the authority of the
Church and the writings of the Fathers. Such an attitude put an end
to all hopes of common action between the French and German
theologians, but at the same time Francis I was not willing, for
political reasons, to break with Protestantism. The publication,
however, of a particularly offensive pamphlet against Catholicism,
printed in Switzerland and scattered broadcast throughout France,
served as a warning to the king that his own country was on the brink of
being plunged into the civil strife which Protestantism had fomented in
Germany, and that if he wanted to preserve national unity and peace
the time for decisive action had arrived. Many of the leading
reformers were arrested and some of them were put to death, while
others were banished from France (1535).
From this time the Lutherans began to lose hope of securing the active
co-operation of Francis I, but the friendly political relations
between the king and the German Protestant princes, together with the
close proximity of Strassburg, Geneva, and Berne, from which
preachers and pamphlets made their way into France, helped to
strengthen the heretical party in the country despite the efforts of the
ecclesiastical and lay authorities. In the South many of the
Waldenses in Dauphiny and Provence went over formally to the side of
the Calvinists. In places where they possessed considerable strength
they indulged in violent attacks on the clergy, for which reason severe
measures of repression were adopted by the local administrators and by
the king. As in Switzerland, so too in France Calvinism proved to
be the most attractive of the new religious systems. Calvinistic
communities were formed at Paris, Rouen, Lyons and Orleans, all
of which looked to Geneva for direction. The name given to the
French followers of Calvin was Huguenots.
Henry II (1547-59), who succeeded on the death of
Francis I had no difficulty in allying himself with the German
Protestants, and in despatching an army to assist Maurice of Saxony
in his rebellion against the Emperor, while at the same time taking
every precaution against the spread of heresy at home. He established
a new inquisition department presided over by a Dominican for the
detection and punishment of the Huguenots, and pledged the civil power
to carry out its decisions. In this attitude he was supported strongly
by the University of Paris, which merited the heartiest
congratulations of Julius III by its striking defence of Catholic
doctrines, especially the necessity of obedience to the Holy See.
Yet notwithstanding all measures taken against them the Huguenots
continued to increase in numbers. The Bishop of Navarre went over to
their side, as did a certain number of the clergy, and the attitude of
some of the others was uncertain. So strong did the Huguenot party
find itself in France that a Synod representing the different reformed
communities was held in Paris in 1559, at which the doctrine and
ecclesiastical organisation introduced by Calvin into Switzerland were
formally adopted. The accession of Elizabeth to the throne in
England, and the hopes entertained in France of detaching that
country from Spain made the French government less anxious to adopt
severe measures against the Protestants. After the Peace of Cateau
Cambresis (1559), when Henry determined to make a great effort
to extirpate Calvinism, he was prevented by death.
Francis II who lived only one year (1559-60) succeeded,
and he was followed by Charles IX (1560-74). The latter
of these was a mere child, and during the minority the government of
the country was in the hands of Catharine de' Medici, his mother,
who became regent of France. At the court two parties struggled for
supremacy, the family of Guise which stood for Catholicism, and the
Bourbons who favoured Calvinism. The regent, not being a woman of
very decided religious convictions or tendencies, set herself to play
off one party against the other so as to increase her own power, and in
this way a splendid opportunity was given to the Calvinists to pursue
their religious campaign. Several of the more powerful people in the
kingdom favoured their schemes solely out of hatred to the Duke of
Guise[85] and with the hope of lessening his power. Amongst the
prominent Calvinist leaders at this period were Antoine de
Bourbon,[86] King of Navarre, and his brother Louis Prince de
Conde, the Constable de Montmorency and Admiral Coligny,[87]
the recognised head and ablest leader of the Huguenot party.
Taking advantage of the bitter feeling aroused amongst their followers
by the execution of some of their number, the Huguenots formed a
conspiracy (Tumult of Amboise 1560) to seize the young king, to
overthrow the Duke of Guise, and to set up in his place the Prince
de Conde. The Calvinist theologians, having been consulted about
the lawfulness of such an enterprise, declared that the conspirators
might proceed without fear of sinning so long as a prince of the royal
family was amongst their leaders. The plot was discovered, however,
before their plans were matured, and several of those who took part in
it were put to death. Instead of weakening, it served only to
strengthen the family of Guise. Francis, Duke of Guise, was
appointed a lieutenant-general of France with the title of saviour of
his country, while his brother, the Cardinal of Lorraine, became
chief inquisitor and one of the papal legates appointed for the reform
of abuses in France. The King of Navarre, to whom Pius IV
addressed a personal appeal, confessed his unfaltering loyalty to the
Catholic religion, although at the same time he was doing much to
spread Calvinism in his own dominions and throughout the South of
France.
Though the royal edict against the Calvinists, published in
1560, was severe, yet little was done to enforce its terms except
against those who had recourse to arms. The Prince de Conde
organised a new conspiracy and attempted to secure Lyons. He was
arrested, tried, and condemned to death, but before the sentence
could be carried out Francis II passed away.
A new grouping of parties now took place. The regent, Catharine
de' Medici, alarmed at the growing influence of the Guise faction,
threw the whole weight of her influence into the scales in favour of the
Prince de Conde and of the Huguenots. A royal edict was issued
suspending all prosecutions against heretics and ordering the release of
all prisoners detained on account of their religion (1561). The
regent wrote to the Pope praising the religious fervour of the
Calvinists, and calling upon him to suppress several Catholic
practices to which the heretics had taken exception. She professed
herself anxious for a national council to settle the religious
differences, and failing this she insisted upon a religious disputation
at Poissy. The disputation ("Colloquy" of Poissy) took place
(1561) in presence of the young king, his mother, and a large
number of cardinals, bishops, and ministers of state. The Catholics
were represented by the Cardinal of Lorraine, the Jesuit General
Lainez, and other distinguished clergy, while the Calvinists sent a
large number of their ablest leaders, conspicuous amongst whom were
Theodore Beza and Francois de Morel. The principal doctrines in
dispute, notably the authority of the Church and the Eucharist, were
discussed at length without result. Then a small committee, composed
of five theologians representing each side, was appointed, but without
any better success. In the end, as no agreement could be secured,
the conference was dismissed.
Owing to the close alliance between the regent and the Prince de
Conde the former issued a new edict, in which she allowed the
Calvinists free exercise of their religion outside the cities provided
that they assembled unarmed, commanded them to restore the goods and
churches they had seized, and forbade them to have recourse to violence
or to conspiracies to promote their views (1562). Encouraged by
these concessions, the Calvinists especially in the South of France
attempted to force their religion on the people. They attacked
churches, profaned the Blessed Sacrament, murdered several priests
and laymen, and obliged the peasants to listen to their preachers.
Feeling between the two parties was extremely bitter, and the
Catholics were especially incensed that a small minority should be
allowed to have their own way regardless of the opinions of the vast
body of the French people.
In these circumstances it required very little to lead to serious
conflict. At Vassy some soldiers accompanying the Duke of Guise
quarrelled with a party of Calvinists, whose psalm-singing was
disturbing the Mass at which the Duke was assisting. The latter,
hearing the noise, hastened out to restore peace, and was struck with
a stone. His followers, incensed at this outrage, drew their swords
and killed a large number of the Calvinists. This incident, referred
to generally as the massacre of Vassy, led to a new civil war
(1562). The Calvinists hastened to take up arms, and the
Prince de Conde was assured of English assistance. A large army
attacked Toulouse, but after a struggle lasting four days the
Calvinists were defeated and driven off with severe loss. In
Normandy and other centres where they were strong they carried on the
war with unheard of cruelty; but as they were in a hopeless minority
and as the English failed to give them the necessary assistance they
lost many of their strongholds, and finally suffered a terrible defeat
at Dreux where the Prince de Conde was taken prisoner (Dec.
1562). Coligny escaped to Orleans, which city was besieged by
the Duke of Guise, who was murdered during the siege by one of the
followers of Coligny.[88] Before his execution the prisoner accused
Coligny and Beza as being accessories to his crime, but it is only
fair to say that Coligny denied under oath the truth of this
statement.
Though the Catholics were victorious the awful struggle had cost them
dearly. Their ablest leader the Duke of Guise had fallen, as had
also Antoine de Bourbon, King of Navarre, who had been converted
from Calvinism; many of their churches and most valuable shrines were
destroyed; and to make matters worse they recognised that the struggle
had been fought in vain, as the regent proclaimed a general amnesty and
concluded a peace with the Huguenots (Peace of Amboise,
1563), whereby Calvinist nobles and their followers were allowed
free exercise of their religion with certain restrictions.
Neither side was satisfied with these terms. Coligny and the Prince
de Conde were annoyed furthermore by the fact that the regent broke off
her close relations with them, and began to lean towards the Catholic
side and toward an alliance with Spain. After raising large sums of
money and arming their forces for a new effort they determined to seize
the king and his court at Monceau, but the Constable de Montmorency
with six thousand trusty Swiss soldiers hastened to the king's
defence, and brought him safely from the midst of his enemies
(1567). This attempt together with the terrible slaughter of
Catholics at Nimes (29 Sept.)[89] led to the outbreak of the
second civil war. The Catholic forces were successful at St. Denis
though they lost one of their ablest generals, the Constable de
Montmorency, and were deprived of the fruits of their victory by the
intervention of the Elector of the Palatinate. Owing to the
mediation of the latter a new treaty was made in 1568, but as the
Huguenots continued to seek alliances with England, Germany, and
the Netherlands, Charles IX recalled the concessions he had
made, and forbade the exercise of Calvinist worship under penalty of
death.
Thereupon the third civil war broke out (1569). The Huguenots
received assistance from England, the Netherlands, and Germany,
while the Catholics were supported by Spain and the Pope. The war
was carried on with relentless cruelty on both sides. In the battle of
Jarnac the Huguenot forces were defeated, and the Prince de Conde
was slain (1569). The struggle was however continued by Coligny
supported by Henry King of Navarre and the young de Conde. By
wonderful exertions Coligny put a new army into the field only however
to suffer another terrible defeat at Montcontour, where the Huguenots
were almost annihilated. It seemed that the long struggle was to end
at last and that peace was to be restored to France. But
unfortunately at this juncture some of his courtiers succeeded in
convincing Charles IX that his brother, the Duke of Anjou, who
with the young Duke of Guise was mainly responsible for the Catholic
victories, might use his recognised military ability and his influence
with the people to make himself king of France. Alarmed by the
prospect of such a contingency Charles IX, already jealous of his
brother's triumphs, turned against the Catholic party and concluded
the Peace of St. Germain-en-Laye with the Huguenots
(1570).
According to the terms of this Peace the Huguenots were allowed free
exercise of their religion in France with the sole exception of the
capital. They were not to be excluded from any office of the state,
and four of the strongest fortresses of the country, La Rochelle,
Montauban, Cognac, and La Charite were to be delivered to them for
their protection and as a guarantee of good faith. The whole policy of
Charles IX underwent a complete change. Obsessed with the idea
that the Catholic party, led by the Duke of Anjou, was becoming too
powerful to be trusted, he turned to Coligny and the Calvinists,
broke off the alliance concluded with Spain the previous year, and
sought to bring over France to the side of England and of the rebel
subjects of Spain in the Netherlands. Coligny was invited to court,
where he soon became the most trusted and influential councillor of the
king. He endeavoured to embitter the mind of Charles IX against
his mother, against the Duke of Anjou and the family of Guise. No
effort was spared by him to bring France into the closest relations
with England and the Netherlands against Spain, and as a sign of the
reconciliation that had been effected between the court and the
Huguenots a marriage was arranged between Henry, the Calvinist King
of Navarre and Margaret of Valois, the sister of Charles IX.
The Catholics were highly indignant at this sudden change of policy.
Mindful of the misfortunes brought upon their country by the Huguenots
and of the losses and cruelties they had suffered at the hands of this
implacable minority, they resented the domination of Coligny, whom
they regarded as their most dangerous enemy, and they were embittered
by the thought that the victories they had won at so much cost had
resulted only in their own downfall and in the triumph of their worst
enemies. Catharine de' Medici, the queen-mother, felt more
acutely than the rest the influence of Coligny. She believed that he
was using his power to alienate the young king from herself, and to win
him from the policy she had advocated. She was only waiting an
opportunity to wreak her vengeance on Coligny and the whole Huguenot
party, knowing well as she did that she could count upon the popular
feeling of the nation to support her.
The opportunity came on the occasion of the marriage between the King
of Navarre and Margaret of Valois. The leading Calvinists anxious
to take part in the ceremony flocked to Paris, where they and their
followers paraded the streets armed to the teeth and with the air of
conquerors. Catharine de' Medici took steps to secure the murder of
Coligny on the 22nd August, 1572, but the attempt failed.
Such a step served, however, to embitter feelings on both sides, and
to arouse the queen-mother to make one final effort for the destruction
of her Huguenot opponents. In an audience with the king she
represented to him that the Calvinists were plotting to take his life,
and that the only way to secure himself against them was to anticipate
them. In view of the previous history of the party and the suspicious
temperament of the king, it required little to convince him of the
truth of this allegation, and at last he signed an order that on a
certain pre-arranged signal having been given the soldiers should let
loose on the Huguenots. On the night preceding the feast of St.
Bartholomew (23-24 Aug.) the bells of the church of St.
Germain-en- Laye were rung, and the troops sallied forth to carry
out their instructions. Rumours of a Huguenot plot had been spread
through the city. The people were alarmed, and the general body of
the citizens took up arms to support the soldiers. In the melee that
followed over a thousand Calvinists including Coligny were put to
death. The movement spread through the provinces where about the same
number suffered as in the capital, though many of the Catholic
clergy, as for example, the Bishop of Lisieux, exerted themselves
to put an end to the butchery.
This event is known in history as the massacre of St. Bartholomew.
The massacre was in no sense a premeditated affair. It was a sudden
outburst of popular indignation brought about by the machinations of the
queen-mother, and was neither encouraged nor approved by the bishops
of the Catholic Church. The king presented himself before the
Parliament of Paris on the day following the massacre, and declared
that he alone was responsible for what had happened. He explained that
a plot had been formed against his life and that he had taken the only
measures that it was possible for him to take. This was the account of
the affair that was forwarded to the French diplomatic representatives
abroad, and which they gave at all courts to which they were
accredited. Gregory XIII, acting on the report of the French
ambassador, ordered that a "Te Deum" should be sung in thanksgiving
for the safety of the king and royal family, and not, as has been so
often alleged, as a sign of rejoicing for the murder of the
Calvinists. On the contrary he was deeply pained when he learned the
true state of affairs. The massacre of St. Bartholomew was indeed
unjustifiable, but it was done neither to promote religion nor at the
instigation of the Church. It was merely political in its object as
far as the king and the queen-mother were concerned, and it was a
sudden popular outburst in so far as the citizens of Paris or the
people of the country took part in it. In judging the responsibility
and blame for what took place nobody can put out of mind the terrible
excesses, of which the Huguenots had been guilty during their long
struggle against their own countrymen. The German Lutherans, who
looked upon the slaughter as a judgment from Heaven on the Calvinist
heretics, were rejoiced at their execution.[90]
The Huguenots flew to arms to avenge their brethren who had fallen,
and the fourth civil war began. The Duke of Anjou laid siege to
their strongest fortress, La Rochelle, but failed to take it, and
on his election as King of Poland (1573) a treaty was concluded
according to which the Huguenots were allowed free exercise of their
religion. A large number of French politicians were at last growing
tired of a struggle which was costing their country so dearly, and were
anxious to conclude peace even though it were necessary to yield to the
demands of the Huguenots. At the head of this party stood some of the
most powerful nobles of France including the Duc d'Alencon, and
when on the death of Charles IX the Duke of Anjou succeeded as
Henry III (1575-89) his sympathies were entirely with the
party of the moderates as against the extremists of both sides. By the
terms of the Peace of Beaulieu (1576) the Huguenots were
assured of complete freedom except in Paris and at the French Court,
and of full civil rights, and as a guarantee of good faith they were
continued in possession of their fortresses.
Indignant at such concessions the Catholic party formed the
League[91] with the young Duke of Guise at its head. Henry
III, finding that it was impossible to oppose this combination
with any hope of success, determined to control it by becoming himself
its leader. The concessions made to the Huguenots were recalled
(1577), and the fifth civil war broke out. This was brought to
an end by the Peace of Poitiers (1577). The Huguenot party,
under the King of Navarre and the young Prince de Conde, continued
to make headway against the League, and sought to strengthen
themselves by an alliance with England and the Netherlands.
The question of the succession to the French throne became serious for
both parties. Henry III was childless, and on the death of the
heir- apparent, his brother the Duke of Anjou (Alencon,
1584), the succession devolved apparently on Henry King of
Navarre, but as he was a Calvinist the Catholics were unwilling to
recognise him. The League declared Cardinal de Bourbon son of the
Duke of Vendome as the lawful heir to the French throne, though many
of its out and out supporters were in favour of the Duke of Guise.
An attempt was made to get the approval of the Pope for the League
and its policy, but both George XIII and Sixtus V were not
inclined to support its pretensions. At the earnest request of Spain
the latter, however, issued a constitution in 1585, by which he
declared that Henry of Navarre and the Prince de Conde, as
notorious heretics excommunicated by the Church, had forfeited all
claim to the throne of France. Henry of Navarre lodged a solemn
protest in Rome, and he appealed to the Parliament of Paris, which
refused to approve of the publication of the papal document. Both
sides had recourse once more to arms, and the Huguenots under the
leadership of Henry of Navarre were victorious in the battle of
Coutras (1587). The League however continued the struggle,
captured some of the principal cities such as Lyons, Orleans, and
Bourges, while Henry III favoured both parties in turn.
Overawed by the successful exploits of the Duke of Guise he pledged
himself to put down the Huguenots, and the French people were called
upon by royal proclamation to swear that they would never accept a
heretic as their king (1588).
But in his heart Henry III favoured the cause of the King of
Navarre, if for no other reason because he wished to escape from the
dictatorship of the Duke of Guise. In 1588 he procured the
murder of the two greatest leaders of the League, Henry Duke of
Guise and his brother Louis the Cardinal-archbishop of Lyons.
This outrage drew upon him the wrath of the League and of the great
body of the French Catholics. Charles de Lorraine, brother of the
murdered Duke of Guise, put himself at the head of the king's
enemies. Sixtus V issued a strong condemnation of the murder of the
cardinal-archbishop, and the Sorbonne declared that the nation no
longer owed any allegiance to the king. The war was renewed vigorously
on both sides, the League being supported by Philip II of Spain
and its opponents by Protestant troops from Germany and Switzerland.
While the combined forces of Henry III and of the King of
Navarre were besieging Paris, Henry III was assassinated
(1589).
Thereupon Henry of Navarre had himself proclaimed King of France
under the title of Henry IV, but the League refused to recognise
his claims and put forward instead the aged Cardinal de Bourbon, then
a prisoner in the hands of the King of Navarre. The Cardinal also
was proclaimed king (Charles X). Spain, too, refused to
acknowledge Henry IV, and assisted the League with both money and
soldiers. The Popes, Sixtus V Gregory VIX and Clement
VIII adopted an attitude of great reserve. While they were not
inclined to support the demands of the League in their entirety they
were unshaken in their reserve to acknowledge no heretic as king of
France. Henry IV, though supported by many of the moderate
Catholics ("Les Politiques"), began to recognise that as a
Calvinist he could never hope for peaceful possession of the French
throne. He determined, therefore, to yield to the entreaties of his
most powerful supporters and to make his submission to the Catholic
Church. In July 1593 he read a public recantation in the Church
of St. Denis, and was absolved conditionally from the censures he
had incurred. The following year he made his formal entrance into
Paris, where he was welcomed by the people, and acknowledged as
lawful king of France by the Sorbonne. Having pledged himself to
accept the decrees of the Council of Trent, to abide by the terms of
the Concordat of 1516, and to rear his heir and successor as a
Catholic he was reconciled to the Holy See. The League dissolved
itself in a short time, and so far as Catholics were concerned peace
was restored to France.
The Huguenots, Henry IV's former co-religionists, were deeply
pained at the step taken by their leader, and they insisted that their
demands must be satisfied. Henry IV, more anxious for the unity
and welfare of France than for the triumph of either religious party,
determined to put an end to the civil strife by the publication of the
Edict of Nantes (1598). The principal articles of the Edict
were that the Calvinists should enjoy freedom of worship throughout the
greater part of the kingdom, that they should be eligible for all
positions of honour and trust in the state, that they should have for
their own use the Universities of Montauban, Montpelier, Sedan,
and Samur, that the funds for the upkeep of these universities and for
the maintenance of their religion should be supplied by the state, and
that for a period of eight years they should have possession of some of
the principal fortresses. On their side they engaged to break off all
alliances with foreigners, to allow Catholic worship to be restored in
the places where it had been suppressed, to observe the marriage laws
of the Catholic Church, and to abstain from anything that might be
regarded as a violation of Catholic holidays. Such concessions were
regarded with great disfavour by the Pope, the clergy, and the vast
majority of the French people as being opposed to the entire national
tradition of France, and it required all the efforts of the king to
secure for them the approval of the Paris Parliament (1599).
Similarly the Calvinists were not content with what had been conceded
to them, nor were they willing to abide by the terms of the Edict of
Nantes in so far as to allow the establishment of Catholic worship in
the places which were under their control. Their public attacks on the
Blessed Eucharist and on the Pope were very irritating to their
countrymen, but Henry IV, who was a good king deeply interested
especially in the welfare of the lower classes, continued to keep the
peace between both parties. His sympathies were, however, with the
Protestants of Germany, and he was actually on his way to take part
in a war against the Emperor when he was assassinated (1610).
He was succeeded by his son Louis XIII (1610-43) who
was then a boy of nine years. His mother Mary de' Medici, who
acted as regent approved the terms of the Edict of Nantes, but the
Huguenots relying on the weakness of the government refused to carry
out those portions of the Edict favourable to Catholics, and made
demands for greater privileges. They rose in rebellion several times
especially in the South, entered into alliance with every rebel noble
who took up arms against the king, and acted generally as if they
formed a state within a state. Cardinal Richelieu who was for years
the actual ruler of France (1624-42),[92] inspired solely
by political motives, determined to put an end to a condition of
affairs that was highly dangerous to the strength and national unity of
the kingdom. He saw that it was impossible for France to extend her
power so long as there existed at home a well-organised body of
citizens prepared to enter into treasonable relations with foreign
enemies, and to turn to their own advantage their country's
difficulties. His opportunity came when the Huguenots having
concluded an alliance with England rose in rebellion (1627). He
laid siege to their strongest fortress, La Rochelle, drove back the
fleet which England sent to their assistance, and compelled the city
to surrender (1628). By this strong measure he put an end to the
power of the Huguenots in France and secured peace and unity for the
country, while at the same time he treated the conquered with
comparative mildness, confirming the Edict of Nantes (Edict of
Nimes, 1629), proclaiming a general amnesty, and restoring the
leaders of the rebellion to the property and positions they had
forfeited.
During the reign of Louis XIV (1643-1715) the whole
tendency of the government was dangerous to the Huguenots. Louis
XIV was determined to make himself absolute ruler of France,
and, therefore, he could regard only with the highest disfavour the
presence in his territories of a well-organised privileged party like
the Huguenots. An opportunity of carrying out his designs came in
1659, when with the approval of the Synod of Montpazier they
attempted to negotiate an alliance with England. They were punished
with great severity, forbidden to preach in any place without express
permission, to attack Catholic doctrines publicly, or to intermarry
with Catholics. Converts from Calvinism were encouraged by promises
of special concessions. Owing to the disfavour of the king and the
energetic action of the clergy and bishops, whose education and culture
at that time stood exceedingly high, large numbers of the Huguenots
returned to the Church so that in some places, as for example in
Normandy, where once they could boast of considerable influence, the
sect became almost extinct.
The severity of the measures taken by Louis XIV led to new
rebellions, which were suppressed with great severity. Finally in
1685 a royal proclamation appeared announcing the revocation of all
the privileges granted to the Huguenots and more particularly all those
contained in the Edict of Nantes (1685). The churches which
they had built recently were to be destroyed, their religious assembles
were forbidden, and their clergy were offered their choice between
submission to the Church or exile. The prime minister Louvois sent
soldiers to enforce this proclamation, and the unfortunate Huguenots
were treated with great harshness and cruelty. Many of them,
unwilling to change their religion and unable to endure their hard lot
at home, left the country and sought refuge in England, Germany,
Denmark, and Holland. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes was
not due to the religious zeal of Louis XIV or of his ministers.
Indeed at the very time that Louis XIV was engaged in dragooning
the Huguenots into the Catholic Church he was in bitter conflict with
the Pope, and was committed to a policy that seemed destined to end in
national schism. Some of the French bishops, notably Fenelon,
disapproved of this attempt at conversion by violence, and Pope
Innocent XI, having no representative in Paris at the time,
instructed his nuncio at London to induce James II of England to
bring pressure to bear on Louis XIV to favour the
Huguenots.[93] Several times during the reign of Louis the
Calvinists rose in arms to defend their religion but without effect.
After his death the decrees against them were not enforced with much
severity, but it was only in 1787 that a measure of almost complete
political equality was granted to them by Louis XVI.
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