|
At the beginning of the sixteenth century political power in Denmark
was vested to a great extent in the hands of the bishops and nobles.
It was by these two parties that the king was elected, and so great
was their influence that, as a rule, the candidate chosen by their
votes was obliged to accept any conditions they cared to impose. The
bishops, as in most countries at the time, held enormous estates,
granted to their predecessors by the crown or bequeathed by generous
benefactors for the maintenance of religion. Unfortunately, with some
exceptions, they were not men zealous for religious interests, or
capable of understanding that a serious crisis was at hand. In every
direction the need of reform was only too apparent, and, as such as
work had not been undertaken by those who should have undertaken it, a
splendid opportunity was afforded to the men who desired not the welfare
of religion but rather the overthrow of the Church.
Christian II (1513-23) wished to put an end to the
supremacy of the bishops and nobles and to assert for himself and his
successors absolute control. He was a man of great ability and
determination, well acquainted with the tendencies of the age, and not
particularly scrupulous about the means by which the success of his
policy might be assured. To such a man Luther's attack on the
bishops of Germany seemed to be almost providential. He realised that
by embracing the new religious system, which enabled him to seize the
wealth of the Church and to concentrate in his own hands full
ecclesiastical power, he could rid himself of one of the greatest
obstacles to absolutism, and secure for himself and his successors
undisputed sway in Denmark. Though his own life was scandalously
immoral he determined to become the champion of a religious
reformation, and against the wishes of the nobles, clergy, and people
he invited a disciple of Luther's to Copenhagen, and placed at his
disposal one of the city's churches. This step aroused the strongest
opposition, but Christian, confident that boldness meant success,
adopted stern measures to overcome his opponents. He proclaimed
himself the patron of those priests who were willing to disregard their
vows of celibacy, issued regulations against the unmarried clergy, and
appealed to the people against the bishops and the nobles. As the
Archbishop-elect of Lund was unwilling to show himself to be coerced
into betraying the interests confided to his charge, the king commanded
that he should be put to death.
By these violent methods he had hoped to frighten his subjects into
compliance with his wishes, but he was doomed to speedy and complete
disappointment. The bishops and barons, though divided on many
questions, were at one in their resistance to such despotism, and they
had behind them the great body of the people, who had little if any
desire for a religious revolution. Christian II was deposed, and
in his place his uncle, Frederick I (1523-33), became
king of Denmark. At his coronation the new monarch pledged himself to
defend the Catholic religion and to suppress heresy. Soon, however,
motives similar to those that had influenced his predecessor induced him
also to lean towards Lutheranism. At first his efforts for the spread
of the new teaching were carried out secretly, but once he felt himself
secure on the throne, he proclaimed himself publicly a Lutheran
(1526) and invited Lutheran preachers to the capital. A Diet
was called in 1527 at Odensee to consider the religious controversy
that had arisen. In this assembly the king, basing his defence on the
ground that though he had pledged himself to protect the Catholic
Church he was under no obligation to tolerate abuses, contended that
the suppression of abuses and the purifying of religion were the only
objects he had at heart in the measures that he had taken. Owing
mainly to his own stubbornness and the cowardly and wavering attitude of
the bishops, it was agreed by the Diet that till a General Council
could be convoked full toleration should be given to the Lutheran
preachers, that in the meantime no civil disabilities should be
inflicted on supporters of the new religion, that those of the clergy
who wished to marry should be allowed to do so, that the archbishop
should apply no longer to Rome for his pallium, and finally that the
confirmation of the appointment of bishops should be transferred from
the Pope to the king.
By these measures, to which the bishops offered only a faint
opposition, Denmark was separated practically from the Holy See,
and the first step was taken on the road that was to lead to national
apostasy. The next important measure was the disputation arranged by
the king to take place at Copenhagen in 1529. The very fact that
at this meeting no Danish ecclesiastic capable of defending the
Catholic faith was to be found, and that it was necessary to have
recourse to Germany for champions of orthodoxy, is in itself a
sufficient indication of the character of the bishops who then ruled in
Denmark, and of the state of learning amongst the Danish clergy of
the period. Eck and Cochlaeus were invited to come to Copenhagen,
but as they had sufficient work to engage their attention at home, the
duty of upholding Catholic doctrine devolved upon Stagefyr, a
theologian of Cologne.[78] He could not speak Danish, nor would
the Lutheran party consent to carry on the conference in Latin.
Furthermore, he claimed that the authority of the Fathers and the
decrees of previous General Councils should be recognised, but the
Lutherans insisted that the Bible was the only source from which
Christians should receive their doctrines. In these circumstances,
since a disputation was impossible, both parties agreed to submit a
full statement of their views in writing to the king and council, who,
as might have been anticipated, decided in favour of Lutheranism.
During the remainder of his reign, Frederick I spared no pains to
secure the victory for the new teaching in his dominions. The nobles
were won over to the king's views by promises of a share in the
partition of ecclesiastical property, and those who wished to stand
well with the sovereign were not slow in having recourse to violence as
affording proof that their zeal for Lutheranism was sincere.
Consequently the Lutheran party found themselves in a majority in the
Diet of 1530, and were powerful enough to do as they pleased. In
accordance with the example set in Germany and Switzerland attacks
were begun on churches, pictures, and statues, but in many places the
people were not prepared for such changes, and bitter conflicts took
place between the rival parties. In the confusion that resulted the
supporters of the deposed king rose in arms against his successful
rival, and the country was subjected to the horrors of civil war.
Frederick I found it necessary to abandon the violent propagation of
Lutheranism and to offer toleration to the Catholics.
On his death in 1533 the bishops of Denmark protested against the
succession of his son Christian III (1533-51) who was a
personal friend of Luther, and who had already introduced
Protestantism into his own state of Holstein; but as the nobles, won
over by promises of a share in the spoliation of the Church, refused
to make common cause with the bishops, their protest was unheeded.
Confident that he could rely on the support of the nobles, the king
gave secret instructions to his officials that on a certain day named by
him all the bishops of Denmark should be arrested and lodged in
prison. His orders were carried out to the letter (1536), and
so rejoiced was Luther by this step that he hastened to send the king
his warmest congratulations. The bishops were offered release on
condition that they should resign their Sees and pledge themselves to
offer no further opposition to the religious change. To their shame be
it said that only one of their number, Ronnow, Bishop of Roskilde,
refused to accept liberty on such disgraceful terms, preferring to
remain a prisoner until he was released by death (1544). The
priests who refused to accept the new religion were driven from their
parishes, and several monasteries and convents were suppressed.
To complete the work of reform and to give the Church in Denmark a
new constitution Bugenhagen, a disciple of Luther, was invited to
the capital (1539). He began by crowning the king according to
Lutheran ritual, and by drawing up a form of ecclesiastical government
that placed full spiritual power in the hands of the civil ruler. As
in Germany, superintendents were appointed in room of the bishops who
had resigned. When the work of drawing up the new ecclesiastical
organisation had been finished it was submitted to and approved of by
the Diet held at Odensee in 1539. In another Diet held in
1546 the Catholic Church in Denmark was completely overthrown,
her possessions were confiscated, her clergy were forbidden to remain
in the country under penalty of death, and all lay Catholics were
declared incapable of holding any office in the state or of transmitting
their property to their Catholic heirs. By those measures
Catholicism was suppressed, and victory was secured for the Lutheran
party.
Norway, which was united with Denmark at this period, was forced
into submission to the new creed by the violence of the Danish kings,
aided as they were by the greedy nobles anxious to share in the plunder
of the Church. Similarly Iceland, which was subject to Denmark,
was separated from Rome, though at first the people offered the
strongest resistance to the reformers. The execution, however, of
their bishop, John Aresen, the example of Denmark and Norway, and
the want of capable religious leaders produced their effects, and in
the end Iceland was induced to accept the new religion (1551).
For a considerable time Catholicism retained its hold on a large
percentage of the people both in Norway and Iceland, but the severe
measures taken by the government to ensure the complete extirpation of
the Catholic hierarchy and priesthood led almost of necessity to the
triumph of Lutheranism.
By the Union of Kalmar (1397) Sweden, Norway, and Denmark
were united under the rule of the King of Denmark. The Union did
not, however, bring about peace. The people of Sweden disliked the
rule of a foreigner, and more than once they rose in rebellion against
Denmark. In the absence of a strong central authority the clergy and
nobles became the dominant factors in the state, especially as they
took the lead in the national agitations against King Erik and his
successors. As in most other countries at the time, the Church was
exceedingly wealthy, the bishoprics and abbacies being endowed very
generously, but unfortunately, as elsewhere, the progress of religion
was not in proportion to the worldly possessions of its ministers.
Endowment had destroyed the liberty of election so essential for good
administration, with the result that the bishops and other
ecclesiastical dignitaries were selected without much regard for their
qualifications as spiritual guides. Yet it must be said that in
general the administrators of the ecclesiastical property were not hard
task-masters when compared with their lay contemporaries, nor was
there anything like a strong popular feeling against the Church.
Still the immense wealth of the religious institutions, the prevalence
of abuses, and the failure of the clergy to instruct the people in the
real doctrines of their faith were a constant source of menace to the
Church in Sweden, and left it open to a crushing attack by a leader
who knew how to win the masses to his side by proclaiming himself the
champion of national independence and of religious reform.
In 1515 Sten Sture, the administrator of Sweden, supported by
the Bishop of Linkoping as leader of the popular party, made a
gallant attempt to rally his countrymen to shake off the Danish yoke.
Unfortunately for the success of his undertaking he soon found a
dangerous opponent in the person of Gustaf Trolle, Archbishop of
Upsala, the nominee and supporter of the King of Denmark. The
archbishop threw the whole weight of his influence into the scales of
Denmark, and partly owing to his opposition, partly owing to the want
of sufficient preparation the national uprising was crushed early in
1520. Christian II was crowned King of Sweden by the
Archbishop of Upsala. He signified his elevation to the throne by a
general massacre of his opponents which lasted for two days, and during
which many of the best blood of Sweden were put to death (Nov.
1520). The archbishop was rewarded for his services to Denmark
by receiving an appointment as region or administrator of Sweden. He
and his party made loud boast of their political victory, but had they
been gifted with a little prudence and zeal they would have found good
reason to regret a triumph that had been secured by committing the
Church to the support of a Danish tyrant against the wishes of the
majority who favoured national independence. Religion and patriotism
were brought into serious conflict, and, given only a capable leader
who would know how to conduct his campaign with skill, it was not
difficult to foresee the results of such a conflict.
As it happened, such a leader was at hand in the person of Gustaf
Eriksson, better known as Gustavus Vasa. His father had been put
to death in the massacre of Stockholm, and he himself when a youth had
been given as a hostage to the King of Denmark. He made his escape
and fled to Lubeck, where he was kindly received, and remained until
an opportunity arose for his return to Sweden. He placed himself
immediately at the head of the party willing to fight against Denmark,
called upon his countrymen to rally to his standard, and in a short
time succeeded in driving the Danish forces from Sweden. He was
proclaimed administrator of his country in 1521, and two years
later a national Diet assembled at Strengnas offered him the crown.
Such an offer was in exact accordance with his own wishes. But he had
no intention of becoming king of Sweden merely to remain a tool in the
hands of the spiritual and lay lords as the kings of Denmark had
remained. Determined in his own mind to make himself absolute ruler of
Sweden by crushing the bishops and barons, he recognised that
Luther's teaching, with which he was familiar owing to his stay at
Lubeck, held out good hopes for the success of such a project. The
warm attachment of the Bishop of Upsala for the Danish faction had
weakened the devotion of the people to the Church, and had prepared
the way for the change which Gustavus contemplated. Some of the
Swedish ecclesiastics, notably the brothers Olaf and Laurence
Peterson, both students of Wittenberg, the former a well-known
preacher at Stockholm, the latter a professor at Upsala, were
strongly Lutheran in their tendencies, and were ready to assist the
king. Though in his letters to Rome and in his public pronouncements
Gustavus professed himself to be a sincere son of the Church, anxious
only to prevent at all costs the spread of Lutheranism in his
dominions, he was taking steps secretly to encourage his Lutheran
supporters and to rid himself of the bishops and members of the
religious orders from whom he feared serious opposition. As was done
elsewhere, he arranged for a public disputation at which Olaf
Peterson undertook to defend the main principles advocated by Luther,
but the results of the controversy were not so satisfactory for his
party as he had anticipated.
Gustavus now threw off the mask of hypocrisy, and came forward boldly
as the champion of the new religion. He removed those bishops who were
most outspoken in their opposition, banished the Dominicans who stood
loyal to Rome, and tried to force the clergy to accept the change.
Anxious to enrich his treasury by confiscating the wealth of the
Church he scattered broadcast Luther's pamphlet on the confiscation
of ecclesiastical property, and engaged the professors of the
University of Upsala to use their efforts to defend and popularise the
views it contained. A commission was appointed to make an inventory of
the goods of the bishops and religious institutions and to induce the
monasteries to make a voluntary surrender of their property. By means
of threats and promises the commissioners secured compliance with the
wishes of the king in some districts, though in others, as for example
in Upsala, the arrival of the commission led to scenes of the greatest
violence and commotion. More severe measures were necessary to overawe
the people, and Gustavus was not a man to hesitate at anything likely
to promote the success of his plans. Bishop Jakobson and some of the
clergy were arrested, and after having been treated with every species
of indignity were put to death (1527).
In this year, 1527, a national Diet was held at Vesteras
principally for the discussion of the religious difficulties that had
arisen. Both parties, the supporters of the old and of the new,
mustered their forces for a final conflict. Gustavus took the side of
the so-called reformers, and proposed the measures which he maintained
were required both in the interests of religion and of the public weal.
The Catholic party were slightly in the majority and refused to assent
to these proposals. Gustavus, though disappointed at the result, did
not despair. He announced to the Diet that in view of its refusal to
agree to his terms he could undertake no longer the government and
defence of the country. A measure such as this, calculated to lead to
anarchy and possibly to a new subjugation of the country by Denmark,
was regarded by both sides as a national disaster, and secured for the
king the support of the waverers. The masses of the people were
alarmed lest their opposition might lead to the restoration of Danish
tyranny, while the support of the nobles was secured by the publication
of a decree authorising them to resume possession of all property handed
over by their ancestors to religious institutions for the last eighty
years. The remainder of the possessions of the Church were
appropriated for the royal treasury. The king now issued a
proclamation in favour of the new religion, insisted on the adoption of
a liturgy in the vulgar tongue, and abolished clerical celibacy. At
the National Assembly of Orebro (1529) the Catholic religion
was abolished in favour of Lutheranism, and two years later Laurence
Peterson was appointed first Lutheran Archbishop of Upsala.
Though the Lutheran teaching had been accepted, great care was taken
not to shock the people by any violent change. Episcopal government of
the Church was retained; most of the Catholic ritual in regard to the
sacraments and the Mass was adopted in the new liturgy, and even in
some cases the pictures and statues were not removed from the churches.
But the revolution that Gustavus had most at heart was fully
accomplished. The authority of the Pope had been overthrown, and in
his place the king had been accepted as the head of the Swedish
Church. Nor did the Lutheran bishops find themselves in the
enjoyment of greater liberty and respect as a result of their treason to
the Church. Gustavus warned them that they must not carry themselves
like lords, and if they would attempt to wield the sword he would know
how to deal with them in a summary manner. Resenting such dictation
and tyranny they began to attack Gustavus in their sermons and to
organise plots for the overthrow of his government. The conspiracy was
discovered (1540). Olaf and Laurence Peterson, the two
prominent leaders of the reforming party, were condemned to death, but
were reprieved on the payment of a large fine. Laurence was,
however, removed from his position as Archbishop of Upsala. In the
Diet of Vesteras in 1544 the crown of Sweden was declared to be
hereditary, and was vested in the family and heirs of Gustavus. Thus
the well- considered policy of Gustavus was crowned with success. By
means of the Lutheran revolt he had changed the whole constitution of
the country, had made himself absolute master of Sweden, and had
secured the succession to the throne for his own family.
But he had not broken the power of his opponents so completely as to
bring peace to his country, nor, if credence be given to the
proclamations in which he bewailed the increase of evil under the plea
of evangelical freedom, did the reformed religion tend to the elevation
of public morals. On his death in 1560 he was succeeded by his son
Erik XIV (1560-9). Hardly had the new king been
proclaimed than the principle of private judgment introduced by the
reformers began to produce its natural results. Calvinism, which was
so opposed to Lutheranism both in doctrine and in church government,
found its way into Sweden, and attracted the favourable notice of the
king. Regardless for the time being of the Catholic Church, which
to all appearances was dead in Sweden, the two parties, Lutherans
and Calvinists, struggled for supremacy. Erik was won over to the
side of the Calvinists, and measures were taken to overcome the
Lutherans by force, but the king had neither the capacity nor the
energy of his father. The plan miscarried; the Calvinists were
defeated (1568), and Erik was deposed and imprisoned.
His younger brother John succeeded to the throne under the title John
III. He was a man of considerable ability, and was by no means
satisfied with the new religion. His marriage with Catharine, sister
of Sigismund, King of Poland, herself a devoted Catholic, who
stipulated for liberty to practice her religion, helped to make him
more favourable to a Catholic revival. He set himself to study the
Scriptures and writings of the Holy Fathers under the guidance of
Catharine's chaplains, and convinced himself that he should return to
the Catholic Church and endeavour to rescue his country from the
condition of heresy into which it had fallen. He allowed the monks and
nuns who were still in Sweden to form communities again, and
endeavoured to win over the clergy by a series of ordinances couched in
a Catholic tone which he issued for their guidance. In 1571 he
induced the Archbishop of Upsala to publish a number of regulations
known as the "Agenda", which both in ritual and doctrine indicated a
return to Rome, and he employed some Jesuit missionaries to explain
the misrepresentations of Catholic doctrine indulged in by the
Lutheran and Calvinist leaders. His greatest difficulty in bringing
about a reunion was the presence of Lutheran bishops, but fortunately
for him many of them were old men whose places were soon vacant by
death, to whose Sees he appointed those upon whom he could rely for
support. When he thought the time was ripe he summoned a National
Synod in 1574, where he delivered an address deploring the sad
condition to which religious dissensions had reduced the country. He
pointed out that such a state of affairs had been brought about by the
Reformation and could be remedied only by a return to the Church.
The address received from the clergy a much more favourable reception
than he had anticipated. As the Archbishopric of Upsala was vacant,
he secured the election of an archbishop, who have his adhesion to
seventeen articles of faith wholly satisfactory to Catholics, and who
allowed himself to be consecrated according to the Catholic ritual.
He promised also to use his influence to secure the adhesion of the
other bishops. In 1576 the king issued a new liturgy, "The Red
Book of Sweden", which was adopted by the Diet in 1577, and
accepted by a large body of the clergy. Its principal was the king's
brother, Karl, Duke of Suthermanland, who for political reasons
had constituted himself head of the Lutheran party, and who refused to
agree with the Roman tendencies of the king on the ground that they
were opposed to the last wishes of Gustavus and to the laws of
Sweden. A disputation was arranged to take place at Upsala, where
the Belgian Jesuit, Laurence Nicolai, vindicated triumphantly
against his Lutheran opponents the Catholic teaching on the Church
and the Mass. Copies of the celebrated catechism of the Blessed
Peter Canisius were circulated throughout Sweden, and made an
excellent impression on the people.
Encouraged by these hopeful signs, the king despatched an embassy to
Rome to arrange for the reconciliation of Sweden to the Church. The
royal commissioners were instructed to request, that owing to the
peculiar circumstances of the country, permission should be given for
Communion under both kinds, for the celebration of the Mass in the
Swedish language, and for the abrogation of the law of celibacy at
least in regard to the clergy who were already married. Gregory
XIII, deeply moved by the king's offer of a reunion, sent the
Jesuit, Anthony Possevin, as his legate to discuss the terms.
John set an example himself by abjuring publicly his errors and by
announcing his submission to the Church (1578).
A commission was appointed at Rome to discuss the concessions which
the king demanded, and unfortunately the decision was regarded in
Sweden as unfavourable. A warm controversy, fomented and encouraged
by the enemies of reunion, broke out between the opponents and
supporters of the new liturgy. Duke Karl, who had now become the
hope of the Lutheran party, did everything he could to stir up
strife, while at the same time Rome refused to accept the terms
proposed by the king. Indignant at what he considered the unreasonable
attitude of the Roman authorities, John began to lose his enthusiasm
for his religious policy, and after the death of his wife who was
unwavering in her devotion to her religion, there was no longer much
hope that Sweden was to be won from heresy (1584). The king
married another who was strongly Lutheran in her sympathies, and who
used her influence over him to secure the expulsion of the Jesuits.
Though John III took no further steps to bring about reunion he
could not be induced to withdraw the liturgy, the use of which he
insisted upon till his death in 1592.
His son Sigismund III should have succeeded. He was an ardent
Catholic as his mother had been, but as he had been elected King of
Poland (1586) he was absent from Sweden when the throne became
vacant by the death of his father. Duke Karl and his friends did not
fail to take advantage of his absence. When the Synod met the
senators demanded that Sigismund should accept the Augsburg
Confession as a condition for his election to the throne. To this
Sigismund sent the only reply that a good Catholic and an honest man
could send, namely, a blunt refusal. His uncle, Duke Karl, the
acting regent of Sweden, took steps to seduce the Swedish people from
their allegiance to their lawful king, and to prepare the way for his
own accession. He proclaimed himself the protector of Lutheranism and
endeavoured to win over the bishops to his side. In a national
Assembly held at Upsala (The "Upsala-mote" 1593) after a
very violent address from the regent against the Catholic Church, the
bishops confessed that they had blundered in accepting the liturgy of
John III, and the Assembly declared itself strongly in favour of
the Augsburg Confession.
When, therefore, Sigismund returned to claim the throne he found
that Lutheranism was entrenched safely once more, and that even the
most moderate of the bishops appointed by his father must be reckoned
with as opponents. The clergy united with Duke Karl in stirring up
the people against him. In these conditions he was forced to abandon
his projects of reform, and to entrust his uncle with the
administration of Sweden when he himself was obliged to return to
Poland. While Sigismund was engaged in Poland, the regent
conducted a most skilful campaign, nominally on behalf of
Protestantism, but in reality to secure the deposition of Sigismund
and his own election to the throne. In the Diet of Suderkoping
(1595) Sigismund was condemned for having bestowed appointments
on Catholics and for having tolerated the Catholic religion in his
kingdom of Sweden, and it was ordered that all who professed the
doctrines of Rome should abandon their errors within six months under
pain of expulsion from the country. The Archbishop of Upsala made a
visitation of the churches, during which he ordered that all those who
absented themselves from the Lutheran service should be flogged in his
presence, that the pictures, statues, and reliquaries should be
destroyed, and that the liturgy introduced by John III should be
abolished. The greatest violence was used towards the supporters of
King Sigismund, most of whom were either Catholic or at least
favourably inclined towards Catholicism.
Enraged by a decree that no edict of the king should have any binding
force unless confirmed by the Swedish Diet, and driven to desperation
by the tyranny and oppression of the regent, some of Sigismund's
followers raised the standard on behalf of their king, and Sigismund
returned to Sweden with an army of five thousand men. He found
himself opposed by the forces of the regent against whom he was at first
successful, but in his treatment of his uncle and his rebel followers
he showed himself far too forgiving. In return for his kindness,
having strengthened themselves by a large army they forced him to submit
to the decision of a national Assembly to be held at Jonkoping
(1599). At this meeting Duke Karl accused the king of
endeavouring to plunge Sweden once more into the errors from which it
had been rescued by the reformers. In May of the same year a
resolution was passed declaring that the king had forfeited the
allegiance of his subjects unless he yielded to their demands, and more
especially unless he handed over his son and heir to be reared by the
regent as a Protestant. Many of his supporters, including nine
members of the Council of State, were put to death. Finally in
1604 Sigismund was formally deposed, and the crown was bestowed on
his uncle, Duke Karl, who became king under the title of Charles
IX. Protestantism had triumphed at last in Sweden, but even its
strongest supporters would hardly like to maintain that the issue was
decided on religious grounds, or that the means adopted by Charles
IX to secure the victory were worthy of the apostle of a new
religion.
|
|