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What do you mean, Socrates? said Glaucon. The first two modes of
payment are intelligible enough, but what the penalty is I do not
understand, or how a penalty can be a payment.
You mean that you do not understand the nature of this payment which
to the best men is the great inducement to rule? Of course you know
that ambition and avarice are held to be, as indeed they are, a
disgrace?
Very true.
And for this reason, I said, money and honour have no attraction for
them; good men do not wish to be openly demanding payment for
governing and so to get the name of hirelings, nor by secretly helping
themselves out of the public revenues to get the name of thieves.
And not being ambitious they do not care about honour. Wherefore
necessity must be laid upon them, and they must be induced to serve
from the fear of punishment. And this, as I imagine, is the reason why
the forwardness to take office, instead of waiting to be compelled,
has been deemed dishonourable. Now the worst part of the punishment is
that he who refuses to rule is liable to be ruled by one who is
worse than himself. And the fear of this, as I conceive, induces the
good to take office, not because they would, but because they cannot
help --not under the idea that they are going to have any benefit or
enjoyment themselves, but as a necessity, and because they are not
able to commit the task of ruling to any one who is better than
themselves, or indeed as good. For there is reason to think that if
a city were composed entirely of good men, then to avoid office
would be as much an object of contention as to obtain office is at
present; then we should have plain proof that the true ruler is not
meant by nature to regard his own interest, but that of his
subjects; and every one who knew this would choose rather to receive a
benefit from another than to have the trouble of conferring one. So
far am I from agreeing with Thrasymachus that justice is the
interest of the stronger. This latter question need not be further
discussed at present; but when Thrasymachus says that the life of
the unjust is more advantageous than that of the just, his new
statement appears to me to be of a far more serious character. Which
of us has spoken truly? And which sort of life, Glaucon, do you
prefer?
I for my part deem the life of the just to be the more advantageous,
he answered.
Did you hear all the advantages of the unjust which Thrasymachus was
rehearsing?
Yes, I heard him, he replied, but he has not convinced me.
Then shall we try to find some way of convincing him, if we can,
that he is saying what is not true?
Most certainly, he replied.
If, I said, he makes a set speech and we make another recounting all
the advantages of being just, and he answers and we rejoin, there must
be a numbering and measuring of the goods which are claimed on
either side, and in the end we shall want judges to decide; but if
we proceed in our enquiry as we lately did, by making admissions to
one another, we shall unite the offices of judge and advocate in our
own persons.
Very good, he said.
And which method do I understand you to prefer? I said.
That which you propose.
Well, then, Thrasymachus, I said, suppose you begin at the beginning
and answer me. You say that perfect injustice is more gainful than
perfect justice?
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