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No one of all the sons of the Thirteenth Century, not even Dante
himself, so typifies the greatness of the mentality of the period as
does Thomas, called from his birthplace Aquinas, or of Aquin, on
whom his own and immediately succeeding generations because of what they
considered his almost more than human intellectual acumen, bestowed the
title of Angelical Doctor, while the Church for the supremely
unselfish character of his life, formally conferred the title of
Saint. The life of Aquinas is of special interest, because it
serves to clarify many questions as to the education of the Thirteenth
Century and to correct many false impressions that are only too
prevalent with regard to the intellectual life of the period. Though
Aquinas came of a noble family which was related to many of the Royal
houses of Europe and was the son of the Count of Aquino, then one of
the most important of the non-reigning noble houses of Italy, his
education was begun in his early years and was continued in the midst of
such opportunities as even the modern student might well envy.
It is often said that the nobility at this time, paid very little
attention to the things of the intellect and indeed rather prided
themselves on their ignorance of even such ordinary attainments as
reading and writing. While this was doubtless true for not a few of
them, Aquinas's life stands in open contradiction with the impression
that any such state of mind was at all general, or that there were not
so many exceptions as to nullify any such supposed rule. Evidently
those who wished could and did take advantage of educational
opportunities quite as in our day. Aquinas's early education was
received at the famous monastery of Monte Cassino in Southern
Italy, where the Benedictines for more than six centuries had been
providing magnificent opportunities for the studious youth of Italy and
for serious-minded students from all over Europe. When he was
scarcely more than a boy he proceeded to the University of Naples,
which at that time, under the patronage of the Emperor Frederick
II., was being encouraged not only to take the place so long held by
Salernum in the educational world of Europe, but also to rival the
renowned Universities of Paris and Bologna. Here he remained until
he was seventeen years of age when he resolved to enter the Dominican
Order, which had been founded only a short time before by St.
Dominic, yet had already begun to make itself felt throughout the
religious and educational world of the time.
Just as it is the custom to declare that as a rule, the nobility cared
little for education, so it is more or less usual to proclaim that
practically only the clergy had any opportunities for the higher
education during the Thirteenth Century. Thomas had evidently been
given his early educational opportunities, however, without any
thought of the possibility of his becoming a clergyman. His mother was
very much opposed to his entrance among the Dominicans, and every
effort was made to picture to him the pleasures and advantages that
would accrue to him because of his noble connections, in a life in the
world. Thomas insisted, however, and his firm purpose in the matter
finally conquered even the serious obstacles that a noble family can
place in the way of a boy of seventeen, as regards the disposition of
his life in a way opposed to their wishes.
The Dominicans realized the surpassing intelligence of the youth whom
they had received and accordingly he was sent to be trained under the
greatest teacher of their order, the famous Albert the Great, who
was then lecturing at Cologne. Thomas was not the most brilliant of
scholars as a young man and seems even to have been the butt of his more
successful fellow-students. They are said to have called him the dumb
one, or sometimes because of his bulkiness even as a youth, the dumb
ox. Albert himself, however, was not deceived in his estimation of
the intellectual capacity of his young student, and according to
tradition declared, that the bellowings of this ox would yet be heard
throughout all Christendom. After a few years spent at Cologne,
Thomas when he was in his early twenties, accompanied Albert who had
been called to Paris. It was at Paris that Thomas received his
bachelor's degree and also took out his license to teach -- the
doctor's degree of our time. After this some years further were spent
at Cologne and then the greatness of the man began to dawn on his
generation. He was called back to Paris and became one of the most
popular of the Professors at that great University in the height of
her fame, at a time when no greater group of men has perhaps ever been
gathered together, than shared with him the honors of the professors'
chairs at that institution.
"Albert the Great, Roger Bacon, St. Bonaventure, and Thomas
Aquinas, form among themselves, so to speak, a complete
representation of all the intellectual powers: they are the four
doctors who uphold the chair of philosophy in the temple of the Middle
Ages. Their mission was truly the reestablishment of the sciences,
but not their final consummation. They were not exempt from the
ignorances and erroneous opinions of their day, yet they did much to
overcome them and succeeded better than is usually acknowledged in
introducing the era of modern thought. Often, the majesty, I may
even say the grace of their conceptions, disappears under the veil of
the expressions in which they are clothed; but these imperfections are
amply atoned for by superabundant merits. Those Christian
philosophers did not admit within themselves the divorce, since their
day become so frequent, between the intellect and the will; their
lives were uniformly a laborious application of their doctrines. They
realized in its plenitude the practical wisdom so often dreamed of by
the ancients -- the abstinence of the disciples of Pythagoras, the
constancy of the stoics, together with humility and charity, virtues
unknown to the antique world. Albert the Great and St. Thomas left
the castles of their noble ancestors to seek obscurity in the cloisters
of St. Dominic: the former abdicated, and the latter declined, the
honors of the Church. It was with the cord of St. Francis that
Roger Bacon and St. Bonaventure girded their loins; when the last
named was sought that the Roman purple might be placed upon his
shoulders, he begged the envoys to wait until he finished washing the
dishes of the convent. Thus they did not withdraw themselves within
the exclusive mysteries of an esoteric teaching; they opened the doors
of their schools to the sons of shepherds and artisans, and, like
their Master, Christ, they said: "Come all!" After having
broken the bread of the word, they were seen distributing the bread of
alms. The poor knew them and blessed their names. Even yet, after
the lapse of six hundred years, the dwellers in Paris kneel round the
altar of the Angel of the School, and the workmen of Lyons deem it
an honor once a year to bear upon their brawny shoulders the triumphant
remains of the 'Seraphic Doctor.'"
For most modern students and even scholars educated in secular
universities the name of Aquinas is scarcely more than a type, the
greatest of them, it is true, of the schoolmen who were so much
occupied with distant, impractical and, to say the least, merely
theoretic metaphysical problems, in the later Middle Ages. It is
true that the renewed interest in Dante in recent years in English
speaking countries, has brought about a revival of attention in
Aquinas's work because to Dante, the Angelical Doctor, as he was
already called, meant so much, and because the Divine Comedy has
been declared often and often, by competent critics, to be the Summa
Theologiae of St. Thomas of Aquin in verse. Even this
adventitious literary interest, however, has not served to lift the
obscurity in which Aquinas is veiled for the great majority of
scholarly people, whose education has been conducted according to
modern methods and present-day ideas.
As showing a hopeful tendency to recognize the greatness of these
thinkers of the Middle Ages it is interesting to note that about five
years ago one of St. Thomas's great works -- the Summa Contra
Gentiles -- was placed on the list of subjects which a candidate may
at his option offer in the final honor school of the litterae humaniores
at Oxford. There has come a definite appreciation of the fact that
this old time philosopher represents a phase of intellectual development
that must not be neglected, and that stands for such educational
influence as may well be taken advantage of even in our day of
information rather than mental discipline. For the purposes of this
course Father Rickaby, S. J., has prepared an annotated
translation of the great philosophic work under the title, "Of a God
and His Creatures," which was published by Burns and Oates of
London, 1905. This will enable those for whom the Latin of
St. Thomas was a stumbling block, to read the thoughts of the great
scholastic, in translation at least, and it is to be hoped that we
shall hear no more of the trifling judgments which have so disgraced our
English philosophical literature.
The fact that Pope Leo XIII., by a famous papal bull, insisted
that St. Thomas should be the standard of teaching in philosophy and
theology in all the Catholic institutions of learning throughout the
world, aroused many thinkers to a realization of the fact that far from
being a thing of the dead and distant past, Thomas's voice was still
a great living force in the world of thought. To most people Leo
XIII. appealed as an intensely practical and thoroughly modern
ruler, whose judgment could be depended on even with regard to teaching
problems in philosophy and theology. There was about him none of the
qualities that would stamp him as a far-away mystic whose thoughts were
still limited by medieval barriers. The fact that in making his
declaration the Pope was only formulating as a rule, what had
spontaneously become the almost constant practice and tradition of
Catholic schools and universities, of itself served to show how great
and how enduring was St. Thomas's influence.
In the drawing together of Christian sects that has inevitably come as
a result of the attacks made upon Christianity by modern materialists,
and then later by those who would in their ardor for the higher
criticism do away with practically all that is divine in Christianity,
there has come a very general realization even on the part of those
outside of her fold, that the Roman Catholic Church occupies a
position more solidly founded on consistent logical premises and
conclusions than any of the denominations. Without her aid Christian
apologetics would indeed be in sad case. Pope Leo's declaration only
emphasizes the fact, then, that the foundation stone of Christian
apologetics was laid by the great work of St. Thomas, and that to
him more than any other is due that wonderful coordination of secular
and religious knowledge, which appoints for each of these branches of
knowledge it proper place, and satisfies the human mind better than any
other system of philosophic thought. This is the real panegyric of
St. Thomas, and it only adds to the sublimity of it that it should
come nearly six centuries and a half after his death. To only a bare
handful of men in the history of the human race, is it given thus to
influence the minds of subsequent generations for so long and to have
laid down the principles of thought that are to satisfy men for so many
generations. This is why, in any attempt at even inadequate treatment
of the greatness of the Thirteenth Century, Thomas Aquinas, who
was its greatest scholar, must have a prominent place. The present
generation has had sufficient interest in him aroused, however, amply
to justify such a giving of space.
When Leo XIII. made his recommendation of St. Thomas it was
not as one who had merely heard of the works of the great medieval
thinker, or knew them only by tradition, or had slightly dipped into
them as a dilettante, but as one who had been long familiar with them,
who had studied the Angelical Doctor in youth, who had pondered his
wisdom in middle age, and resorted again and again to him for guidance
in the difficulties of doctrine in maturer years, and the difficulties
of morals such as presented themselves in his practical life as a
churchman. It was out of the depths of his knowledge of him, that the
great Pope, whom all the modern world came to honor so reverently
before his death, drew his supreme admiration for St. Thomas and his
recognition of the fact that no safer guide in the thorny path of modern
Christian apologetics could be followed, than this wonderful genius
who first systematized human thought as far as the relations of Creator
to creature are considered, in the heyday of medieval scholarship and
university teaching.
Those who have their knowledge of scholastic philosophy at second
hand, from men who proclaim this period of human development as
occupied entirely with fruitless discussion of metaphysical theories,
will surely think that they could find nothing of interest for them in
St. Thomas's writings. It is true the casual reader may not
penetrate far enough into his writing to realize its significance and to
appreciate its depth of knowledge, but the serious student finds
constant details of supreme interest because of their applications to
the most up-to-date problems. We venture to quote an example that
will show this more or less perfectly according to the special
philosophic interest of readers. It is St. Thomas's discussion of
the necessity there was for the revelation of the truth of the existence
of God. His statement of the reasons why men, occupied with the
ordinary affairs of life, would not ordinarily come to this truth
unless it were revealed to themr though they actually have the mental
capacity to reach it by reason alone, will show how sympathetically the
Saint appreciated human conditions as they are.
"If a truth of this nature were left to the sole inquiry of reason,
three disadvantages would follow. One is that the knowledge of God
would be confined to few. The discovery of truth is the fruit of
studious inquiry. From this very many are hindered. Some are
hindered by a constitutional unfitness, their natures being
ill-disposed to the acquisition of knowledge. They could never arrive
by study at the highest grade of human knowledge, which consists in the
knowledge of God. Others are hindered by the claims of business and
the ties of the management of property. There must be in human society
some men devoted to temporal affairs. These could not possibly spend
time enough in the learned lessons of speculative inquiry to arrive at
the highest point of human inquiry, the knowledge of God. Some again
are hindered by sloth. The knowledge of the truths that reason can
investigate concerning God presupposes much previous knowledge; indeed
almost the entire study of philosophy is directed to the knowledge of
God. Hence, of all parts of philosophy that. part stands over to he
learned last, which consists of metaphysics dealing with (divine
things). Thus only with great labour of study is it possible to
arrive at the searching out of the aforesaid truth; and this labour few
are willing to undergo for sheer love of knowledge.
"Another disadvantage is that such as did arrive at the knowledge or
discovery of the aforesaid truth would take a long time over it on
account of the profundity of such truth, and the many prerequisites to
the study, and also because in youth and early manhood the soul,
tossed to and fro on the waves of passion, is not fit for the study of
such high truth; only in settled age does the soul become prudent and
scientific, as the philosopher says. Thus if the only way open to the
knowledge of God were the way of reason, the human race would
(remain) in thick darkness of ignorance: as the knowledge of God,
the best instrument for making men perfect and good, would accrue only
to a few after a considerable lapse of time.
"A third disadvantage is that, owing to the infirmity of our judgment
and the perturbing force of imagination, there is some admixture of
error in most of the investigations of human reason. This would be a
reason to many for continuing to doubt even of the most accurate
demonstrations, not perceiving the force of the demonstration, and
seeing the divers judgments, of divers persons who have the name of
being wise men. Besides, in the midst of much demonstrated truth
there is sometimes an element of error, not demonstrated but asserted
on the strength of some plausible and sophistic reasoning that is taken
for a demonstration. And therefore it was necessary for the real truth
concerning divine things to be presented to men with fixed certainty by
way of faith. Wholesome, therefore, is the arrangement of divine
clemency, whereby things even that reason can investigate are commanded
to be held on faith, so that all might be easily partakers of the
knowledge of God, and that without doubt and error (Book I.
cix)."
A still more striking example of Thomas's eminently sympathetic
discussion of a most difficult problem, is to be found in his treatment
of the question of the Resurrection of the Body. The doctrine that
men will rise again on the last day with the same bodies that they had
while here on earth, has been a stumbling block for the faith of a
great many persons from the beginning of Christianity. In recent
times the discovery of the indestructibility of matter, far from
lessening the skeptical elements in this problem as might have been
anticipated, has rather emphasized them. While the material of which
man's body was composed is never destroyed, it is broken up largely
into its original elements and is used over and over again in many
natural processes, and even enters into the composition of other men's
bodies during the long succeeding generations. Here is a problem upon
which it would ordinarily be presumed at once, that a philosophic
writer of the Thirteenth Century could throw no possible light. We
venture to say, however, that the following passage which we quote
from an article on St. Thomas in a recent copy of the Dublin
Review, represents the best possible solution of the problem, even in
the face of all our modern advance in science.
"What does not bar numerical unity in a man while he lives on
uninterruptedly (writes St. Thomas), clearly can be no bar to the
identity of the arisen man with the man that was. In a man's body,
while he lives, there are not always the same parts in respect of
matter but only in respect of species. In respect of matter there is a
flux and reflux of parts. Still that fact does not bar the man's
numerical unity from the beginning to the end of his life. The form
and species of the several parts continue throughout life, but the
matter of the parts is dissolved by the natural heat, and new matter
accrues through nourishment. Yet the man is not numerically different
by the difference of his component parts at different ages, although it
is true that the material composition of the man at one stage of his
life is not his material composition at another. Addition is made from
without to the stature of a boy without prejudice to his identity, for
the boy and the adult are numerically the same man."
In a word, Aquinas says that we recognize that the body of the boy
and of the man are the same though they are composed of quite different
material. With this in mind the problem of the Resurrection takes on
quite a new aspect from what it held before. What we would call
attention to, however, is not so much the matter of the argument as
the mode of it. It is essentially modern in every respect. Not only
does Thomas know that the body changes completely during the course of
years, but he knows that the agent by which the matter of the parts is
dissolved is "the natural heat," while "new matter accrues through
nourishment." The passage contains a marvelous anticipation of
present-day physiology as well as a distinct contribution to Christian
apologetics. This coordination of science and theology, though
usually thought to be lacking among scholastic philosophers, is
constantly typical of their mode of thought and discussion, and this
example, far from being exceptional, is genuinely representative of
them, as all serious students of scholasticism know.
Perhaps the last thing for which the ordinary person would expect to
find a great modern teacher recommending the reading of St. Thomas
would be to find therein the proper doctrine with regard to liberty and
the remedies for our modern social evils. Those who will recall,
however, how well the generations of the Thirteenth Century faced
social problems even more serious than ours -- for the common people
had no rights at all the beginning of the century, yet secured them
with such satisfaction as to lay the foundation of the modern history of
liberty -- will realize that the intellcctual men of the time must
have had a much better grasp of the principles underlying such
problems, than would otherwise be imagined. As a matter of fact,
St. Thomas's treatment of Society, its rights and duties, and the
mutual relationship between it and the individual, is one of the
triumphs of his wonderful work in ethics. It is no wonder, then,
that the great Pope of the end of the Nineteenth Century, whose
encyclicals showed that he understood very thoroughly these social evils
of our time, recognized their tendencies and appreciated their danger,
recommended as a remedy for them the reading of St. Thomas. Pope
Leo said:
"Domestic and civil society, even, which, as all see, is exposed
to great danger from the plague of perverse opinions, would certainly
enjoy a far more peaceful and a securer existence if more wholesome
doctrine were taught in the academies and schools -- one more in
conformity with the teaching of the Church, such as is contained in
the works of Thomas Aquinas.
"For the teachings of Thomas on the true meaning of liberty --
which at this time is running into license -- on the divine origin of
all authority, on laws and their force, on the paternal and just rule
of princes, on obedience to the higher powers, on mutual charity one
towards another -- on all of these and kindred subjects, have very
great and invincible force to overturn those principles of the new order
which are well known to be dangerous to the peaceful order of things and
to public safety."
For this great Pope, however, there was no greater teacher of any of
the serious philosophical, ethical and theological problems than this
Saint of the Thirteenth Century. His position in the matter would
only seem exaggerated to those who do not appreciate Pope Leo's
marvelous practical intelligence, and Saint Thomas's exhaustive
treatment of most of the questions that have always been uppermost in
the minds of men. While, with characteristic humility, he considered
himself scarcely more than a commentator on Aristotle, his natural
genius was eminently original and he added much more of his own than
what he took from his master. There can be no doubt that his was one
of the most gifted minds in all humanity's history and that for
profundity of intelligence he deserves to be classed with Plato and
Aristotle, as his great disciple Dante is placed between Homer and
Shakespeare. Those who know St. Thomas the best, and have spent
their lives in the study of him, not only cordially welcomed but
ardently applauded Pope Leo's commendation of him, and considered
that lofty as was his praise there was not a word they would have
changed even in such a laudatory passage as the following:
"While, therefore, we hold that every word of wisdom, every useful
thing by whomsoever discovered or planned, ought to be received with a
willing and grateful mind, We exhort you, Venerable Brethren, in
all earnestness to restore the golden wisdom of St. Thomas, and to
spread it far and wide for the defense and beauty of the Catholic
faith, for the good of society, and for the advantage of all the
sciences. The wisdom of St. Thomas, We say -- for if anything
is taken up with too great subtlety by the scholastic doctors, or too
carelessly stated -- if there is anything that ill agrees with the
discoveries of a later age, or, in a word, improbable in whatever
way, it does not enter Our mind, to propose that for imitation to
Our age. Let carefully selected teachers endeavor to implant the
doctrines of Thomas Aquinas in the minds of students, and set forth
clearly his solidity and excellence over others. Let the academies
already founded or to be founded by you illustrate and defend this
doctrine, and use it for refutation of prevailing errors. But, lest
the false for the true or the corrupt for the pure be drunk in, be
watchful that the doctrine of Thomas be drawn from his own fountains,
or at least from those rivulets which derived from the very fount, have
thus far flowed, according to the established agreement of learned
men, pure and clear; be careful to guard the minds of youth from those
which are said to flow thence, but in reality are gathered from strange
and unwholesome streams."
Tributes quite as laudatory are not lacking from modern secular writers
and while there have been many derogatory remarks, these have always
come from men who either knew Aquinas only at second hand, or who
confess that they had been unable to read him understandingly. The
praise all comes from men who have spent years in the study of his
writings.
A recent writer in the Dublin Review (January, 1906) sums up
his appreciation of one of St. Thomas's works, his masterly book in
philosophy, as follows:
"The Summa contra Gentiles is an historical monument of the first
importance for the history of philosophy. In the variety of its
contents, it is a perfect encyclopedia of the learning of the day. By
it we can fix the high-water mark of Thirteenth Century thought, for
it contains the lectures of a doctor second to none in the great school
of thought then flourishing -- the University of Paris. It is by
the study of such books that one enters into the mental life of the
period at which they were written; not by the hasty perusal of
histories of philosophy. No student of the Contra Gentiles is likely
to acquiesce in the statement that the Middle Ages were a time when
mankind seemed to have lost the power of thinking for themselves.
Medieval people thought for themselves, thoughts curiously different
from ours and profitable to study."
Here is a similar high tribute for Aquinas's great work on Theology
from his modern biographer, Father Vaughan:
"The 'Summa Theologica' is a mighty synthesis, thrown into
technical and scientific form, of the Catholic traditions of East and
West, of the infallible dicta of the Sacred Page, and of the most
enlightened conclusions of human reason, gathered from the soaring
intuitions of the Academy, and the rigid severity of the Lyceum.
"Its author was a man endowed with the characteristic notes of the
three great Fathers of Greek Philosophy: he possessed the
intellectual honesty and precision of Socrates, the analytical
keenness of Aristotle, and that yearning after wisdom and light which
was the distinguishing mark of 'Plato the divine,' and which has
ever been one of the essential conditions of the highest intuitions of
religion."
As a matter of fact it was the very greatness of Thomas Aquinas, and
the great group of contemporaries who were so close to him, that
produced an unfortunate effect on subsequent thinking and teaching in
Europe. These men were so surpassing in their grasp of the whole
round of human thought, that their works came to be worshiped more or
less as fetishes, and men did not think for themselves but appealed to
them as authorities. It is a great but an unfortunate tribute to the
scholastics of the Thirteenth Century that subsequent generations for
many hundred years not only did not think that they could improve on
them, but even hesitated to entertain the notion that they could equal
them. Turner in his History of Philosophy has pointed out this fact
clearly and has attributed to it, to a great extent, the decadence of
scholastic philosophy.
"The causes of the decay of scholastic philosophy were both internal
and external. The internal causes are to be found in the condition of
Scholastic philosophy at the beginning of the Fourteenth Century.
The great work of Christian syncretism had been completed by the
masters of the preceding period; revelation and science had been
harmonized; contribution had been levied on the pagan philosophies of
Greece and Arabia, and whatever truth these philosophies had
possessed had been utilized to form the basis of a rational exposition
of Christian revelation. The efforts of Roger Bacon and of Alfred
the Great to reform scientific method had failed; the sciences were
not cultivated. There was, therefore, no source of development, and
nothing was left for the later Scholastics except to dispute as to the
meaning of principles, to comment on the text of this master or of
that, and to subtilize to such an extent that Scholasticism soon
became a synonym for captious quibbling. The great Thomistic
principle that in philosophy the argument from authority is the weakest
of all arguments was forgotten; Aristotle, St. Thomas, or Scotus
became the criterion of truth, and as Solomon, whose youthful wisdom
had astonished the world, profaned his old age by the worship of
idols, the philosophy of the schools, in the days of its decadence,
turned from the service of truth to prostrate itself before the shrine
of a master. Dialectic, which in the Thirteenth Century had been
regarded as the instrument of knowledge, now became an object of study
for the sake of display; and to this fault of method was added a fault
of style -- an uncouthness and barbarity of terminology which bewilder
the modern reader."
The appreciation of St. Thomas in his own time is the greatest
tribute to the critical faculty of the century that could be made.
"Genius is praised but starves," in the words of the old Roman
poet. Certainly most of the geniuses of the world have met with
anything but their proper meed of appreciation in their own time. This
is not true, however, during our Thirteenth Century. We have
already shown how the artists, and especially Giotto, (at the end of
the Thirteenth Century Giotto was only twenty-four years old) were
appreciated, and how much attention Dante began to attract from his
contemporaries, and we may add that all the great scholars of the
period had a following that insured the wide publication of their
works, at a time when this had to be accomplished by slow and patient
hand-labor. The appreciation for Thomas, indeed, came near proving
inimical to his completion of his important works in philosophy and
theology. Many places in Europe wanted to have the opportunity to
hear him. We have only reintroduced the practise of exchanging
university professors in very recent years. This was quite a common
practise in the Thirteenth Century, however, and so St. Thomas,
after having been professor at Paris and later at Rome, taught for a
while at Naples and then at a number of the Italian universities.
Everywhere he went he was noted for the kindliness of his disposition
and for his power to make friends. Looked upon as the greatest thinker
of his time it would be easy to expect that there should be some signs
of consciousness of this, and as a consequence some of that unpleasant
self-assertion which so often makes great intellectual geniuses
unpopular. Thomas, however, never seems to have had any
over-appreciation of his own talents, but, realizing how little he
knew compared to the whole round of knowledge, and how superficial his
thinking was compared to the depth of the mysteries he was trying, not
to solve but to treat satisfactorily, it must be admitted that there
was no question of conceit having a place in his life. This must
account for the universal friendship of all who came in contact with
him. The popes insisted on having him as a professor at the Roman
university in which they were so much interested, and which they wished
to make one of the greatest universities of the time. Here Thomas was
brought in contact with ecciesiastics from all over the world and helped
to form the mind of the time. Those who think the popes of the Middle
Ages opposed to education should study the records of this Roman
university.
Thomas became the great friend of successive popes, some of whom had
been brought in contact with him during his years of studying and
teaching at Rome and Paris. This gave him many privileges and
abundant encouragement, but finally came near ruining his career as a
philosophic writer and teacher, since his papal friends wished to raise
him to high ecclesiastical dignities. Urban IV. seems first to have
thought of this but his successor Clement IV., one of the noblest
churchmen of the period, who had himself wished to decline the papacy,
actually made out the Bull, creating Thomas Archbishop of Naples.
When this document was in due course presented to Aquinas, far from
giving him any pleasure it proved a source of grief and pain. He saw
the chance to do his life-work slipping from him. This was so evident
to his friend the Pope that he withdrew the Bull and St. Thomas was
left in peace during the rest of his career, and allowed to prosecute
that one great object to which he had dedicated his mighty intellect.
This was the summing up of all human knowledge in a work that would
show the relation of the Creator to the creature, and apply the great
principles of Greek philosophy to the sublime truths of Christianity.
Had Thomas consented to accept the Archbishopric of Naples in all
human probability, as Thomas's great English biographer remarks,
the Summa Theologica would never have been written. It seems not
unlikely that the dignity was pressed upon him by the Pope partly at
the solicitation of powerful members of his family, who hoped in this
to have some compensation for their relative's having abandoned his
opportunities for military and worldly glory. It is fortunate that
their efforts failed, and it is only one of the many examples in
history of the shortsightedness there may be in considerations that seem
founded on the highest human prudence.
Thomas was left free then to go on with his great work, and during the
next five years he applied every spare moment to the completion of his
Summa. More students have pronounced this the greatest work ever
written than is true for any other text-book that has ever been used in
schools. That it should be the basis of modern theological teaching
after seven centuries is of itself quite sufficient to proclaim its
merit. The men who are most enthusiastic about it are those who have
used it the longest and who know it the best.
St. Thomas's English biographer, the Very Rev Roger Bede
Vaughan, who is a worthy member of that distinguished Vaughan family
who have given so many zealous ecclesiastics to the English Church and
so many scholars to support the cause of Christianity, can scarcely
say enough of this great work, nor of its place in the realm of
theology. When it is recalled that Father Vaughan was not a member
of St. Thomas's own order, the Dominicans, but of the
Benedictines, it will be seen that it was not because of any esprit de
corps, but out of the depths of his great admiration for the saint,
that his words of praise were written:
"It has been shown abundantly that no writer before the Angelical's
day could have created a synthesis of all knowledge. The greatest of
the classic Fathers have been treated of, and the reasons of their
inability are evident. As for the scholastics who more immediately
preceded the Angelical, their minds were not ripe for so great and
complete a work: the fullness of time had not yet come. Very possibly
had not Albert the Great and Alexander (of Hales) preceded him,
St. Thomas would not have been prepared to write his master-work;
just as, most probably, Newton would never have discovered the law of
gravitation had it not been for the previous labors of Galileo and of
Kepler. But just as the English astronomer stands solitary in his
greatness, though surrounded and succeeded by men of extraordinary
eminence, so also the Angelical stands by himself alone, although
Albertus Magnus was a genius, Alexander was a theological king, and
Bonaventure a seraphic doctor. Just as the Principia is a work
unique, unreachable, so, too, is the 'Summa Theologica' of the
great Angelical. Just as Dante stands alone among the poets, so
stands St. Thomas in the schools."
Probably the most marvelous thing about the life of St. Thomas is
his capacity for work. His written books fill up some twenty folios in
their most complete edition. This of itself would seem to be enough to
occupy a lifetime without anything more. His written works, however,
represent apparently only the products of his hours at leisure. He was
only a little more than fifty when he died and he had been a university
professor at Cologne, at Bologna, at Paris, at Rome, and at
Naples. In spite of the amount of work that he was thus asked to do,
his order, the Dominican, constantly called on him to busy himself
with certain of its internal affairs. On one occasion at least he
visited England in order to attend a Dominican Chapter at Oxford,
and the better part of several years at Paris was occupied with his
labors to secure for his brethren a proper place in the university, so
that they might act as teachers and yet have suitable opportunities for
the education and the discipline of the members of the Order.
Verily it would seem as though his days must have been at least twice
as long as those of the ordinary scholar and student to accomplish so
much; yet he is only a type of the monks of the Middle Ages, of whom
so many people seem to think that their principal traits were to be fat
and lazy. Thomas was fat, as we know from the picture of him which
shows him before a desk from which a special segment has been removed to
accommodate more conveniently a rather abnormal abdominal development,
but as to laziness, surely the last thing that would occur to anyone
who knows anything about him, would be to accuse him of it. Clearly
those who accept the ancient notion of monkish laziness will never
understand the Middle Ages. The great educational progress of the
Thirteenth Century was due almost entirely to monks. There is
another extremely interesting side to the intellectual character of
Thomas Aquinas which is usually not realized by the ordinary student
of philosophy and theology, and still less perhaps by those who are
interested in him from an educational standpoint. This is his poetical
faculty. For Thomas as for many of the great intellectual geniuses of
the modern time, the sacrament of the Holy Eucharist was one of the
most wondrously satisfying devotional mysteries of Christianity and the
subject of special devotion. In our own time the great Cardinal
Newman manifested this same attitude of mind. Thomas because of his
well-known devotion to the Blessed Sacrament, was asked by the Pope
to write the office for the then recently established feast of Corpus
Christi. There are always certain hymns incorporated in the offices
of the different Feast days. It might ordinarily have been expected
that a scholar like Aquinas would write the prose portions of the
office, leaving the hymns for some other hand, or selecting hymns from
some older sacred poetry. Thomas, however, wrote both hymns and
prose, and, surprising as it may be, his hymns are some of the most
beautiful that have ever been composed and remain the admiration of
posterity.
It must not be forgotten in this regard that Thomas's career occurred
during the period when Latin hymn writing was at its apogee. The
Dies Irae and the Stabat Mater were both written during the
Thirteenth Century, and the most precious Latin hymns of all times
were composed during the century and a half from 1250 to 1300.
Aquinas's hymns do not fail to challenge comparison even with the
greatest of these. While he had an eminently devotional subject, it
must not be forgotten that certain supremely difficult theological
problems were involved in the expression of devotion to the Blessed
Sacrament. In spite of the difficulties, Thomas succeeded in making
not only good theology but great poetry. A portion of one of his
hymns, the Tantum Ergo, has been perhaps more used in church
services than any other, with the possible exception of the Dies
Irae. Another one of his beautiful hymns that especially deserves to
be admired, is less well known and so I have ventured to quote three
selected stanzas of it, as an illustration of Thomas's command over
rhyme and rhythm in the Latin tongue.
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Adoro te devote, latens Deitas,
Quae sub his figuris vere latitas.
Tibi se cor meum totum subjicit,
Quia te contemplans totum deficit.
Visus, tactus, gustus, in te fallitur,
Sed auditu solo tute creditur:
Credo quidquid dixit Dei filius
Nihil veritatis verbo venus. [22]
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And the less musical but wonderfully significative fourth stanza
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Plagas sicut Thomas non intueor,
Deum tamen meum te confiteor,
Fac me tibi semper magis credere,
In te spem habere, te diligere.
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Only the ardent study of many years will give anything like an adequate
idea of the great schoolman's universal genius. I am content if I
have conveyed a few hints that will help to a beginning of an
acquaintance with one of the half dozen supreme minds of our race.
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