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B.C. 366. And so ends the history of Euphron. I return to the point
reached at the commencement of this digression.[73] The Phliasians were
still fortifying Thyamia, and Chares was still with them, when
Oropus[74] was seized by the banished citizens of that place. The
Athenians in consequence despatched an expedition in full force to the
point of danger, and recalled Chares from Thyamia; whereupon the
Sicyonians and the Arcadians seized the opportunity to recapture the
harbour of Sicyon. Meanwhile the Athenians, forced to act single-
handed, with none of their allies to assist them, retired from Oropus,
leaving that town in the hands of the Thebans as a deposit till the
case at issue could be formally adjudicated.
Now Lycomedes[75] had discovered that the Athenians were harbouring a
grievance against her allies, as follows:--They felt it hard that,
while Athens was put to vast trouble on their account, yet in her need
not a man among them stepped forward to render help. Accordingly he
persuaded the assembly of Ten Thousand to open negotiations with
Athens for the purpose of forming an alliance.[76] At first some of the
Athenians were vexed that they, being friends of Lacedaemon, should
become allied to her opponents; but on further reflection they
discovered it was no less desirable for the Lacedaemonians than for
themselves that the Arcadians should become independent of Thebes.
That being so, they were quite ready to accept an Arcadian alliance.
Lycomedes himself was still engaged on this transaction when, taking
his departure from Athens, he died, in a manner which looked like
divine intervention.
Out of the many vessels at his service he had chosen the one he liked
best, and by the terms of contract was entitled to land at any point
he might desire; but for some reason, selected the exact spot where a
body of Mantinean exiles lay. Thus he died; but the alliance on which
he had set his heart was already consummated.
Now an argument was advanced by Demotion[77] in the Assembly of Athens,
approving highly of the friendship with the Arcadians, which to his
mind was an excellent thing, but arguing that the generals should be
instructed to see that Corinth was kept safe for the Athenian people.
The Corinthians, hearing this, lost no time in despatching garrisons
of their own large enough to take the place of the Athenian garrisons
at any point where they might have them, with orders to these latter
to retire: "We have no further need of foreign garrisons," they said.
The garrisons did as they were bid.
As soon as the Athenian garrison troops were met together in the city
of Corinth, the Corinthian authorities caused proclamation to be made
inviting all Athenians who felt themselves wronged to enter their
names and cases upon a list, and they would recover their dues. While
things were in this state, Chares arrived at Cenchreae with a fleet.
Learning what had been done, he told them that he had heard there were
designs against the state of Corinth, and had come to render
assistance. The authorities, while thanking him politely for his zeal,
were not any the more ready to admit the vessels into the harbour, but
bade him sail away; and after rendering justice to the infantry
troops, they sent them away likewise. Thus the Athenians were quit of
Corinth. To the Arcadians, to be sure, they were forced by the terms
of their alliance to send an auxiliary force of cavalry, "in case of
any foreign attack upon Arcadia." At the same time they were careful
not to set foot on Laconian soil for the purposes of war.
The Corinthians had begun to realise on how slender a thread their
political existence hung. They were overmastered by land still as
ever, with the further difficulty of Athenian hostility, or quasi-
hostility, now added. They resolved to collect bodies of mercenary
troops, both infantry and horse. At the head of these they were able
at once to guard their state and to inflict much injury on their
neighbouring foes. To Thebes, indeed, they sent ambassadors to
ascertain whether they would have any prospect of peace if they came
to seek it. The Thebans bade them come: "Peace they should have."
Whereupon the Corinthians asked that they might be allowed to visit
their allies; in making peace they would like to share it with those
who cared for it, and would leave those who preferred war to war. This
course also the Thebans sanctioned; and so the Corinthians came to
Lacedaemon and said:
"Men of Lacedaemon, we, your friends, are here to present a petition,
and on this wise. If you can discover any safety for us whilst we
persist in warlike courses, we beg that you will show it us; but if
you recognise the hopelessness of our affairs, we would, in that case,
proffer this alternative: if peace is alike conducive to your
interests, we beg that you would join us in making peace, since there
is no one with whom we would more gladly share our safety than with
you; if, on the other hand, you are persuaded that war is more to your
interest, permit us at any rate to make peace for ourselves. So saved
to-day, perhaps we may live to help you in days to come; whereas, if
to-day we be destroyed, plainly we shall never at any time be
serviceable again."
The Lacedaemonians, on hearing these proposals, counselled the
Corinthians to arrange a peace on their own account; and as for the
rest of their allies, they permitted any who did not care to continue
the war along with them to take a respite and recruit themselves. "As
for ourselves," they said, "we will go on fighting and accept whatever
Heaven has in store for us,"--adding, "never will we submit to be
deprived of our territory of Messene, which we received as an heirloom
from our fathers."[78]
Satisfied with this answer, the Corinthians set off to Thebes in quest
of peace. The Thebans, indeed, asked them to agree on oath, not to
peace only but an alliance; to which they answered: "An alliance
meant, not peace, but merely an exchange of war. If they liked, they
were ready there and then," they repeated, "to establish a just and
equitable peace." And the Thebans, admiring the manner in which,
albeit in danger, they refused to undertake war against their
benefactors, conceded to them and the Phliasians and the rest who came
with them to Thebes, peace on the principle that each should hold
their own territory. On these terms the oaths were taken.
Thereupon the Phliasians, in obedience to the compact, at once retired
from Thyamia; but the Argives, who had taken the oath of peace on
precisely the same terms, finding that they were unable to procure the
continuance of the Phliasian exiles in the Trikaranon as a point held
within the limits of Argos,[79] took over and garrisoned the place,
asserting now that this land was theirs--land which only a little
while before they were ravaging as hostile territory. Further, they
refused to submit the case to arbitration in answer to the challenge
of the Phliasians.
It was nearly at the same date that the son of Dionysius[80] (his
father, Dionysius the first, being already dead) sent a reinforcement
to Lacedaemon of twelve triremes under Timocrates, who on his arrival
helped the Lacedaemonians to recover Sellasia, and after that exploit
sailed away home.
B.C. 366-365. Not long after this the Eleians seized Lasion,[81] a
place which in old days was theirs, but at present was attached to the
Arcadian league. The Arcadians did not make light of the matter, but
immediately summoned their troops and rallied to the rescue. Counter-
reliefs came also on the side of Elis--their Three Hundred, and again
their Four Hundred.[82] The Eleians lay encamped during the day face
to face with the invader, but on a somewhat more level position. The
Arcadians were thereby induced under cover of night to mount on to the
summit of the hill overhanging the Eleians, and at day-dawn they began
their descent upon the enemy. The Eleians soon caught sight of the
enemy advancing from the vantage ground above them, many times their
number; but a sense of shame forbade retreat at such a distance.
Presently they came to close quarters; there was a hand-to-hand
encounter; the Eleians turned and fled; and in retiring down the
difficult ground lost many men and many arms.
Flushed with this achievement the Arcadians began marching on the
cities of the Acroreia,[83] which, with the exception of Thraustus,
they captured, and so reached Olympia. There they made an entrenched
camp on the hill of Kronos, established a garrison, and held control
over the Olympian hill-country. Margana also, by help of a party
inside who gave it up, next fell into their hands.
These successive advantages gained by their opponents reacted on the
Eleians, and threw them altogether into despair. Meanwhile the
Arcadians were steadily advancing upon their capital.[84] At length
they arrived, and penetrated into the market-place. Here, however, the
cavalry and the rest of the Eleians made a stand, drove the enemy out
with some loss, and set up a trophy.
It should be mentioned that the city of Elis had previously been in a
state of disruption. The party of Charopus, Thrasonidas and Argeius
were for converting the state into a democracy; the party of Eualcas,
Hippias, and Stratolas[85] were for oligarchy. When the Arcadians,
backed by a large force, appeared as allies of those who favoured a
democratic constitution, the party of Charopus were at once
emboldened; and, having obtained the promise of assistance from the
Arcadians, they seized the acropolis. The Knights and the Three
Hundred did not hesitate, but at once marched up and dislodged them;
with the result that about four hundred citizens, with Argeius and
Charopus, were banished. Not long afterwards these exiles, with the
help of some Arcadians, seized and occupied Pylus;[86] where many of
the commons withdrew from the capital to join them, attracted not only
by the beauty of the position, but by the great power of the
Arcadians, in alliance with them.
There was subsequently another invasion of the territory of the
Eleians on the part of the Arcadians, who were influenced by the
representations of the exiles that the city would come over to them.
But the attempt proved abortive. The Achaeans, who had now become
friends with the Eleians, kept firm guard on the capital, so that the
Arcadians had to retire without further exploit than that of ravaging
the country. Immediately, however, on marching out of Eleian territory
they were informed that the men of Pellene were in Elis; whereupon
they executed a marvellously long night march and seized the Pellenian
township of Olurus[87] (the Pellenians at the date in question having
already reverted to their old alliance with Lacedaemon). And now the
men of Pellene, in their turn getting wind of what had happened at
Olurus, made their way round as best they could, and got into their
own city of Pellene; after which there was nothing for it but to carry
on war with the Arcadians in Olurus and the whole body of their own
commons; and in spite of their small numbers they did not cease till
they had reduced Olurus by siege.
B.C. 365.[88] The Arcadians were presently engaged on another campaign
against Elis. While they were encamped between Cyllene[89] and the
capital the Eleians attacked them, but the Arcadians made a stand and
won the battle. Andromachus, the Eleian cavalry general, who was
regarded as responsible for the engagement, made an end of himself;
and the rest withdrew into the city. This battle cost the life also of
another there present--the Spartan Socleides; since, it will be
understood, the Lacedaemonians had by this time become allies of the
Eleians. Consequently the Eleians, being sore pressed on their own
territory, sent an embassy and begged the Lacedaemonians to organise
an expedition against the Arcadians. They were persuaded that in this
way they would best arrest the progress of the Arcadians, who would
thus be placed between the two foes. In accordance with this
suggestion Archidamus marched out with a body of the city troops and
seized Cromnus.[90] Here he left a garrison--three out of the twelve
regiments[91]--and so withdrew homewards. The Arcadians had just ended
their Eleian campaign, and, without disbanding their levies, hastened
to the rescue, surrounded Cromnus with a double line of trenches, and
having so secured their position, proceeded to lay seige to those
inside the place. The city of Lacedaemon, annoyed at the siege of
their citizens, sent out an army, again under Archidamus, who, when he
had come, set about ravaging Arcadia to the best of his power, as also
the Sciritid, and did all he could to draw off, if possible, the
besieging army. The Arcadians, for all that, were not one whit the
more to be stirred: they seemed callous to all his proceedings.
Presently espying a certain rising ground, across which the Arcadians
had drawn their outer line of circumvallation, Archidamus proposed to
himself to take it. If he were once in command of that knoll, the
besiegers at its foot would be forced to retire. Accordingly he set
about leading a body of troops round to the point in question, and
during this movement the light infantry in advance of Archidamus,
advancing at the double, caught sight of the Arcadian Eparitoi[92]
outside the stockade and attacked them, while the cavalry made an
attempt to enforce their attack simultaneously. The Arcadians did not
swerve: in compact order they waited impassively. The Lacedaemonians
charged a second time: a second time they swerved not, but on the
contrary began advancing. Then, as the hoarse roar and shouting
deepened, Archidamus himself advanced in support of his troops. To do
so he turned aside along the carriage-road leading to Cromnus, and
moved onward in column two abreast,[93] which was his natural order.
When they came into close proximity to one another--Archidamus's
troops in column, seeing they were marching along a road; the
Arcadians in compact order with shields interlinked--at this
conjuncture the Lacedaemonians were not able to hold out for any
length of time against the numbers of the Arcadians. Before long
Archidamus had received a wound which pierced through his thigh,
whilst death was busy with those who fought in front of him,
Polyaenidas and Chilon, who was wedded to the sister of Archidamus,
included. The whole of these, numbering no less than thirty, perished
in this action. Presently, falling back along the road, they emerged
into the open ground, and now with a sense of relief the
Lacedaemonians got themselves into battle order, facing the foe. The
Arcadians, without altering their position, stood in compact line, and
though falling short in actual numbers, were in far better heart--the
moral result of an attack on a retreating enemy and the severe loss
inflicted on him. The Lacedaemonians, on the other hand, were sorely
down-hearted: Archidamus lay wounded before their eyes; in their ears
rang the names of those who had died, the fallen being not only brave
men, but, one may say, the flower of Spartan chivalry. The two armies
were now close together, when one of the older men lifted up his voice
and cried: "Why need we fight, sirs? Why not rather make truce and
part friends?" Joyously the words fell on the ears of either host, and
they made a truce. The Lacedaemonians picked up their dead and
retired; the Arcadians withdrew to the point where their advance
originally began, and set up a trophy of victory.
Now, as the Arcadians lay at Cromnus, the Eleians from the capital,
advancing in the first instance upon Pylus, fell in with the men of
that place, who had been beaten back from Thalamae.[94] Galloping
along the road, the cavalry of the Eleians, when they caught sight of
them, did not hesitate, but dashed at them at once, and put some to
the sword, while others of them fled for safety to a rising knoll. Ere
long the Eleian infantry arrived, and succeeded in dislodging this
remnant on the hillock also; some they slew, and others, nearly two
hundred in number, they took alive, all of whom where either sold, if
foreigners, or, if Eleian exiles, put to death. After this the Eleians
captured the men of Pylus and the place itself, as no one came to
their rescue, and recovered the Marganians.
The Lacedaemonians presently made a second attempt on Cromnus by a
night attack, got possession of the part of the palisading facing the
Argives, and at once began summoning their besieged fellow-citizens to
come out. Out accordingly came all who happened to be within easy
distance, and who took time by the forelock. The rest were not quick
enough; a strong Arcadian reinforcement cut them off, and they
remained shut up inside, and were eventually taken prisoners and
distributed. One portion of them fell to the lot of the Argives, one
to the Thebans,[95] one to the Arcadians, and one to the Messenians.
The whole number taken, whether true-born Spartans or Perioeci,
amounted to more than one hundred.
B.C. 364. And now that the Arcadians had leisure on the side of
Cromnus, they were again able to occupy themselves with the Eleians,
and to keep Olympia still more strongly garrisoned. In anticipation of
the approaching Olympic year,[96] they began preparations to celebrate
the Olympian games in conjunction with the men of Pisa, who claim to
be the original presidents of the Temple.[97] Now, when the month of
the Olympic Festival--and not the month only, but the very days,
during which the solemn assembly is wont to meet, were come, the
Eleians, in pursuance of preparations and invitations to the Achaeans,
of which they made no secret, at length proceeded to march along the
road to Olympia. The Arcadians had never imagined that they would
really attack them; and they were themselves just now engaged with the
men of Pisa in carrying out the details of the solemn assembly. They
had already completed the chariot-race, and the foot-race of the
pentathlon.[98] The competitors entitled to enter for the wrestling
match had left the racecourse, and were getting through their bouts in
the space between the racecourse and the great altar.
It must be understood that the Eleians under arms were already close
at hand within the sacred enclosure.[99] The Arcadians, without
advancing farther to meet them, drew up their troops on the river
Cladaus, which flows past the Altis and discharges itself into the
Alpheus. Their allies, consisting of two hundred Argive hoplites and
about four hundred Athenian cavalry, were there to support them.
Presently the Eleians formed into line on the opposite side of the
stream, and, having sacrificed, at once began advancing. Though
heretofore in matters of war despised by Arcadians and Argives, by
Achaeans and Athenians alike, still on this day they led the van of
the allied force like the bravest of the brave. Coming into collision
with the Arcadians first, they at once put them to flight, and next
receiving the attack of the Argive supports, mastered these also. Then
having pursued them into the space between the senate-house, the
temple of Hestia, and the theatre thereto adjoining, they still kept
up the fighting as fiercely as ever, pushing the retreating foe
towards the great altar. But now being exposed to missiles from the
porticoes and the senate-house and the great temple,[100] while
battling with their opponents on the level, some of the Eleians were
slain, and amongst others the commander of the Three Hundred himself,
Stratolas. At this state of the proceedings they retired to their
camp.
The Arcadians and those with them were so terrified at the thought of
the coming day that they gave themselves neither respite nor repose
that night, but fell to chopping up the carefully-compacted booths and
constructing them into palisades; so that when the Eleians did again
advance the next day and saw the strength of the barriers and the
number mounted on the temples, they withdrew to their city. They had
proved themselves to be warriors of such mettle as a god indeed by the
breath of his spirit may raise up and bring to perfection in a single
day, but into which it were impossible for mortal men to convert a
coward even in a lifetime.
B.C. 363. The employment of the sacred treasures of the temple by the
Arcadian magistrates[101] as a means of maintaining the Eparitoi[102]
aroused protest. The Mantineans were the first to pass a resolution
forbidding such use of the sacred property. They set the example
themselves of providing the necessary quota for the Troop in question
from their state exchequer, and this sum they sent to the federal
government. The latter, affirming that the Mantineans were undermining
the Arcadian league, retaliated by citing their leading statesmen to
appear before the assembly of Ten Thousand; and on their refusal to
obey the summons, passed sentence upon them, and sent the Eparitoi to
apprehend them as convicted persons. The Mantineans, however, closed
their gates, and would not admit the Troop within their walls. Their
example was speedily followed: others among the Ten Thousand began to
protest against the enormity of so applying the sacred treasures; it
was doubly wrong to leave as a perpetual heirloom to their children
the imputation of a crime so heinous against the gods. But no sooner
was a resolution passed in the general assembly[103] forbidding the use
of the sacred moneys for profane purposes than those (members of the
league) who could not have afforded to serve as Eparitoi without pay
began speedily to melt away; while those of more independent means,
with mutual encouragement, began to enrol themselves in the ranks of
the Eparitoi--the feeling being that they ought not to be a mere tool
in the hands of the corps, but rather that the corps itself should be
their instrument. Those members of the government who had manipulated
the sacred money soon saw that when they came to render an account of
their stewardship, in all likelihood they would lose their heads. They
therefore sent an embassy to Thebes, with instructions to the Theban
authorities warning them that, if they did not open a campaign, the
Arcadians would in all probability again veer round to Lacedaemon.
The Thebans, therefore, began making preparations for opening a
campaign, but the party who consulted the best interests of
Peloponnese[104] persuaded the general assembly of the Arcadians to
send an embassy and tell the Thebans not to advance with an army into
Arcadia, unless they sent for them; and whilst this was the language
they addressed to Thebes, they reasoned among themselves that they
could dispense with war altogether. The presidency over the temple of
Zeus, they were persuaded, they might easily dispense with; indeed, it
would at once be a more upright and a holier proceeding on their parts
to give it back, and with such conduct the god, they thought, might be
better pleased. As these were also the views and wishes of the
Eleians, both parties agreed to make peace, and a truce was
established.
B.C. 362. The oaths were ratified; and amongst those who swore to them
were included not only the parties immediately concerned, but the men
of Tegea, and the Theban general himself, who was inside Tegea with
three hundred heavy infantry of the Boeotians. Under these
circumstances the Arcadians in Tegea remained behind feasting and
keeping holy day, with outpouring of libations and songs of victory,
to celebrate the establishment of peace. Here was an opportunity for
the Theban and those of the government who regarded the forthcoming
inquiry with apprehension. Aided by the Boeotians and those of the
Eparitoi who shared their sentiments, they first closed the gates of
the fortress of Tegea, and then set about sending to the various
quarters to apprehend those of the better class. But, inasmuch as
there were Arcadians present from all the cities, and there was a
general desire for peace, those apprehended must needs be many. So
much so, that the prison-house was eventually full to overflowing, and
the town-hall was full also. Besides the number lodged in prison, a
number had escaped by leaping down the walls, and there were others
who were suffered to pass through the gates (a laxity easily
explained, since no one, excepting those who were anticipating their
own downfall, cherished any wrathful feeling against anybody). But
what was a source of still graver perplexity to the Theban commander
and those acting with him--of the Mantineans, the very people whom
they had set their hearts on catching, they had got but very few.
Nearly all of them, owing to the proximity of their city, had, in
fact, betaken themselves home. Now, when day came and the Mantineans
learned what had happened, they immediately sent and forewarned the
other Arcadian states to be ready in arms, and to guard the passes;
and they set the example themselves by so doing. They sent at the same
time to Tegea and demanded the release of all Mantineans there
detained. With regard to the rest of the Arcadians they further
claimed that no one should be imprisoned or put to death without
trial. If any one had any accusation to bring against any, than by the
mouth of their messengers there present they gave notice that the
state of Mantinea was ready to offer bail, "Verily and indeed to
produce before the general assembly of the Arcadians all who might be
summoned into court." The Theban accordingly, on hearing this, was at
a loss what to make of the affair, and released his prisoners. Next
day, summoning a congress of all the Arcadians who chose to come, he
explained, with some show of apology, that he had been altogether
deceived; he had heard, he said, that "the Lacedaemonians were under
arms on the frontier, and that some of the Arcadians were about to
betray Tegea into their hands." His auditors acquitted him for the
moment, albeit they knew that as touching themselves he was lying.
They sent, however, an embassy to Thebes and there accused him as
deserving of death. Epaminondas (who was at that time the general at
the head of the war department) is reported to have maintained that
the Theban commander had acted far more rightly when he seized than
when he let go the prisoners. "Thanks to you," he argued, "we have
been brought into a state of war, and then you, without our advice or
opinion asked, make peace on your own account; would it not be
reasonable to retort upon you the charge of treason in such conduct?
Anyhow, be assured," he added, "we shall bring an army into Arcadia,
and along with those who share our views carry on the war which we
have undertaken."
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