NOTES

[1] See Fernando Domínguez Reboiras, `"Moltes novelles raons": La originalidad del Ars praedicandi de Ramon Llull en su contexto medieval'.- In: Anuario Medieval 4 (1992), pp. 96-104. See also Llull's introduction to his Rhetorica Nova in an appendix of Mark D. Johnston's doctoral thesis, transcribed in L. Badia, `Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina XV: Ramon Llull i la predicació'.- In her: Teoria i pràctica de la literatura en Ramon Llull (Barcelona, 1992), pp. 88, 124.

[2] See J. Longère: La prédication médiévale (Paris, 1983), pp. 24-35, especially pp. 29-31.

[3] J. Longère: La prédication, pp. 83-84.

[4] See L. Taylor: Soldiers of Christ. Preaching in the late Medieval and Reformation France (Oxford, 1992), pp. 15-20 who suggests that these "extraordinary" sermons took over from the usual sermon during the Mass.

[5] See D. L. d' Avray: The Preaching of the Friars. Sermons diffused from Paris before 1300 (Oxford, 1985), pp. 13-63.

[6] M. Lambert: Medieval Heresy. Popular Movements from the Gregorian Reform to the Reformation (Oxford, 19922), pp. 44-87.

[7] See L.-J. Bataillon: `Approaches to the study of Medieval sermons'.- In his: La prédication au 13e siècle en France et Italie, pp. 28-9 and L. Taylor: Soldiers of Christ, pp. 60-69. For the use of exempla in sermons, see Étienne de Bourbon: Tractatus de diversis materiis predicabilibus.- In: A. Lecoy de La Marche (ed.): Anécdotes historiques, légendes et apologues tirés du recueil inédit d' Étienne de Bourbon (Paris, 1877). See also L.-J. Bataillon: `Similitudines et exempla dans les sermons du XIIIe siècle'.- In: K. Walsh and D. Wood (eds.): The Bible in the Medieval World (Oxford, 1985) pp. 191-205 and D. L. d' Avray: The Preaching of the Friars, pp. 67-77.

[8] See J. Régné: History of the Jews in Aragon. Regesta and Documents (Jerusalem, 1978), num. 217 (30/8/1263).

[9] See J. Régné: History of the Jews in Aragon, num. 723 (19/4/1279). See also Y. Baer: A History of the Jews in Christian Spain (Philadelphia 19922), vol. 1, p. 167 (henceforth HJCS). See also S. Grayzel: The Church and the Jews in the 13th Century (revised New York, 1966) num. 105. S. Simonsohn: The Apostolic See and the Jews: Documents 492-1404 (Toronto, 1988), num. 243. Meir b. Simeon in his polemical work Milhemet Mitzva brings a debate between a Jew and Christian on the issue of forced sermons. See R. Chazan: `Confrontation in the Synagogue of Narbonne: A Christian Sermon and a Jewish Reply'.- In: Harvard Theololgical Review 67 (1974), p. 440.

[10] See J. Régné: History of the Jews in Aragon, nums. 386 (25/10/1268), 735 (21/6/1279), 746 (8/10/1279).

[11] See J. Régné: History of the Jews in Aragon, nums. 746 (8/10/1279), 747 (8/10/1279), 2624 (3/10/1296).

[12] See A. MacKay: `Popular Movements and Pogroms in Fifteenth Century Castile'.- In: Past and Present 55 (1972), pp. 33-67. See as well the sermon of Joseph ibn Shem Tob given in Segovia 1452, translated in M. Sapperstein: Jewish Preaching 1200-1800. An Anthology, (New Haven-London, 1989), pp. 169-179.

[13] Llull was probably in Montpellier for the best part of two years, from October 1303 - October 1305. During this period he probably spent some time in Barcelona (in January 1304, and June 1305). See Liber de praedicatione, ROL III (1961), p. 11-13, and A. Bonner, SW 2, p. 1282 where this work appears as III.69 in his catalogue.

[14] See Liber de praedicatione, ROL III, p. 142. '..in centum sermones, quos ponemos in hoc libro, si vitam et gratiam dederit nobis Deus'.

[15] See ROL XV (1987) where Fernando Domínguez has combined Llull's seven predication works (nums. 201-207) sermons written between October 1312 and February 1313 into one volume under the title Summa sermonum.

[16] Ars abbreviata praedicandi, ROL XVIII (1991), p. 154. `Ars de ensercament e atrobament, qual ley es vera ne qual es falsa e qual es sciencia natural e sobra natura'.

[17] Liber de praedicatione, ROL III, p. 140.

[18] Ars demonstrativa, ORL XVI (1932), p. 112; SW 1, p. 425.

[19] Ars demonstrativa, ORL XVI, p. 114-15; SW 1, p. 428-29. The `influence and blessing of God' comes about if the preacher preaches in the correct manner. By doing so he draws down upon himself and his audience the divine influx. In theosophic Kabbalah, we find a similar concept of theurgic influence expressed: `The attribute 'El Hai is called Righteous [i.e. the Sefirah Yesod ] stands to watch, see and observe mankind, and when seeing mankind busy with the study of Torah and the performance of the commandments, and that they desire to purify themselves and to comport themselves in purity and cleanliness, then the attribute of Righteous expands and widens and is filled with all kinds of influx and emanation from above...in order to give good recompense to those who follow the Torah and perform the commandments...'. See Joseph Gikatilla, Sha'arey Orah (Gates of Light), Y. Ben Shelomo (ed.), vol. 1 (Jerusalem 19812), pp. 100-101. See also M. Idel: Kabbalah: New Perspectives (New Haven, 1988), pp. 173-199.

[20] See Ars generalis ultima, ROL XIV (1986), p. 387 and Ars brevis, ROL XII (1984), 'De centum formis', num. 98, p. 236.

[21] See Liber de predicatione, ROL III, pp. 99-100.

[22] See `Introduction', Summa sermonum, ROL XV, p. xlii. Domínguez suggests that the Liber de praedicatione follows the models of the medieval Ars praedicandi unlike the two later works which are distinctly different.

[23] See Fernando Domínguez Reboiras: `"Moltes novelles raons"', p. 96.

[24] Ars abbreviata praedicandi, ROL XVIII, pp. 23-31.

[25] See the interesting discussion of Llull's use of the Bible in his sermons in L. Badia: `Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina XV: Ramon Llull i la predicació', pp. 136-140.

[26] Liber praedicationis contra Iudaeos, ROL XII (1984), op. 123; see for example sermons 2, 5, 8, 41 et al.

[27] Domínguez mentions that the mendicants utilising the scholastic sermo modernus used the biblical quotation at the start of their sermons as their entrée into whatever they wished to elaborate on whether it had any relevance or not to the quotation, and ended their exposition by returning to the same verse. He calls hypocritical the use of the Bible as a compendium of themes upon which could be built speculative exercises designed to show its compatibility with reason. Llull, however, does not do this. He disregards the biblical quotation preferring to concentrate on the theme of Christian love. See ROL XVIII, p. 24.

[28] Llibre de virtuts e de pecats, NEORL I, proleg, p. 10.

[29] See Fernando Domínguez, 'Introduction', Ars abbreviata praedicandi, ROL XVIII, p. 16 and '"Moltes novelles raons"', p. 130.

[30] The warning that Llull gives at the start of the Liber praedicationis contra judaeos also reveals the different and more controversial nature of the contents of the work. See ROL XII (1984), p. 14. The difference in structure was noted by L. Badia, `ROL XV. Ramon Llull i la predicació', p. 122 n. 5.

[31] There is another account of a Dominican friar preaching in the synagogue on the Sabbath although there is no record of what he said, only the Jew's (probably Meir b. Simon) rebuttal. See R. Chazan: 'Confrontation', pp. 440-450.

[32] Nahmanides is called Bonastrug de Porta in all the contemporary Christian literature pertaining to the debate. See Y. Baer: HJCS, vol. 1, p. 152 and J. Régne: History of the Jews in Aragon, num. 323.

[33] For a text of the Christian version of events, see H. Denifle: `Quellen zur Disputation Pablos Christiani mit Mose Nachmani zu Barcelona 1263'.- In: Historisches Jahrbuch der Görres-Gesellschaft 8 (1887), pp. 231-34. For the Hebrew text, see C. D. Chavel: Kitvey ha-Ramban (Jerusalem, 1963), vol. 1, pp. 302-320. For an English translation of both texts, see H. Maccoby: Judaism on Trial. Jewish Christian Disputation in the Middle Ages (London, 1982), pp. 147-50 and 102-46 respectively.

[34] See C. D. Chavel: Kitvey ha-Ramban, pp. 319-20.

[35] See C. D. Chavel: Kitvey ha-Ramban, pp. 303, 319-20.

[36] However, see R. Chazan: `Confrontation', p. 445 for evidence of at least one other Jewish response while the friar was still present in the synagogue.

[37] Yom Tob Lipman Zunz: Ha-Derashot be-Yisrael ve-Hishtalshelushtan ha-historit (Jerusalem, 1954), pp. 196-7, E. Ashtor: The Jews of Muslim Spain, vol. 3, p. 138. On synagogues in Spain, see F. Cantera Burgos: Sinagogas Españolas (Madrid, 1955) and B. de Breffny: The Synagogue (London, 1978), pp. 69-76. There are a couple of illustrations of what was probably one or another of the synagogues in Barcelona in fourteenth century manuscripts of a Passover Haggadah, British Museum MS. Or. 2884, f. 17v reprinted in Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem, 1971), vol. 2, col. 806 and British Museum MS. Or. 14761.

[38] Shem Tob ibn Falaquera: `Iggeret ha-Musar'.- In: Qobes 'al Yad 1 (11) (1936), pp. 75-78. See Solomon ibn Adret: Responsa (Tel Aviv, 1958), vol. 1, num. 414, pp. 150-51; num. 548, pp. 208-9 where Solomon castigates Rabbis in Provence who give sermons on philosophical matters. See also M. Sapperstein: Jewish Preaching, p. 91.

[39] See Solomon ibn Adret: Tzeda la-Derech (Provisions for the Way),5, 1:7, f. 247a that on a festival the sermon is preached after the Haftarah. See M. Sapperstein: Jewish Preaching, pp. 26-44. See R. Chazan: 'Confrontation', p. 446 where a Jewish preacher asks the congregation to have patience 'even if the hour for dinner has already passed' until he should finish his discourse.

[40] Bahya b. Asher: Kad ha-Kemah.- In: C. B. Chavel (ed.): Kitvey Rabbenu Bahya (Jerusalem, 1970); Joshua ibn Shueib: Derashot al ha-Torah, Z. Metzger (ed.), (Jerusalem, 1992), 2 vols.; Jacob b. Hananel Sikili: Sefer Torat ha-Minhah (Safed, 1991), 2 vols.

[41] On Jacob Anatoli, see C. Sirat: A History of Jewish Philosophy in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 224-25, 226-28. For Nahmanides, see Kitvey ha-Ramban, vol. 1 where there are sermons for a wedding, on Ecclesiastics, for the New Year and Torat ha-Shem Temimah, the sermon Nahmanides probably gave just after the Barcelona disputation. Also see Shem Tob b. Joseph: Derashot (Padua, 1567). See also the collection of sermons, possibly by Nahamnides' nephew Jonah Gerondi in British Library MS Add. 27,292, ff. 157r-325r. On the manuscript and the problems of attribution, see M. Sapperstein: Jewish Preaching, pp. 124-27.

[42] See for example the sermons of Jacob Anatoli: Melamed ha-Talmidim (Lyck, 1866); Bahya b. Asher: Kad ha-Kemah; and Joshua ibn Shueib: Derashot al ha-Torah.

[43] M. Sapperstein: Jewish Preaching, p. 93. Compare with C. Bremond: L' "Exemplum" (Turnhout, 1982), pp. 155-58.

[44] Jonah Gerondi: Perush al Mishle 1:20, ed. A. Löwenthal (Berlin, 1910) and Sha'arey Teshubah 3:73 (New York, 1949). Jonah also felt it important for the preacher to learn the art of Rhetoric. See Perush al Mishle 15:12 and B. Septimus: `Piety and Power in Thirteenth Century Catalonia'.- In: I. Twersky (ed.): Studies in Medieval Jewish History and Literature (Cambridge, Mass.-London, 1979), pp. 215-16.

[45] See M. Kayserling: `Raymond Lulle convertisseur des juifs'.- In: Revue des Études Juives 27 (1893), pp. 148-49. `...et si voluerint, opportunitate captata, possint respondere ejus predicationi et expositioni'.

[46] See for example Llibre de contemplació, ORL V (1911), chs. 187 and 216 where Llull sets out the ground rules for a debate; or the Proverbis de Ramon, ORL XIV (1928), ch. 248:1, p. 270 where Llull defines a disputation as `spiritual contrariety that manifests through words the conceptions that one intellect has against another'. See also M. D. Johnston: The Spiritual Logic of Ramon Llull (Oxford, 1987) pp. 135-145.

[47] L. Berner in her doctoral thesis suggests that there may have been two synagogues in the call. The main synagogue located on Carrer de la Synagoga Mayor (today, Carrer Sant Domènec del Call) and the Minor Synagogue on Carrer de Sanahuja, a street which no longer exists. See L. Berner: On the Western Shores: the Jews of Barcelona during the Reign of Jaume I, `el Conqueridor', 1213-1276 (University of California, Los Angeles, 1986) pp. 103-4.

[48] Dictat de Ramon, ORL XIX (1936), pp. 261-74, and ROL XIX (1993), op. 87-88; Oracions de Ramon, OE 2 and ORL XVIII (1935), pp. 313-92, and ROL XIX, op. 89.

[49] The Començaments de filosofia (Principia philolosophiae) is extant in some fifteen Latin and two Catalan manuscripts and has been published in ROL XIX (1993), op. 86. Medicina de peccat., ORL 20 (1935), pp. 1-205, and ROL XIX, op. 90.

[50] The extant incipit to the leaders of the Jewish community in Barcelona is very courteous. See J. M. Millás Vallicrosa: El "Liber predicationis contra Iudaeos" de Ramón Lull (Madrid-Barcelona, 1957), p. 21 and E. Colomer, `Ramón Llull y el judaismo en el marco histórico de la Edad Media hispana'.- In: EL 28 (1966), p. 42.

[51] Of course it is possible that the King fully expected Llull to abide by the decision of his father Peter III in his letter cited in note 10 (num. 746).

[52] On Solomon ibn Adret, see A. Perles: R. Salamo b. Abraham b. Adereth. Sein Leben und seine Schriften (Breslau. 1863).

[53] For example, Solomon ibn Adret wrote Mishmeret ha-Bayit (Guarding the Home) dealing with the laws of the home and Aaron replied with Bedek ha-Bayit (Checking the Home).

[54] See J. Régné: History of the Jews in Aragon, nums. 712 (21/10/1278), 713 (21/10/1278) and Y. Baer: HJCS, vol. 1, p. 428 n. 33 and p. 255.

[55] For the former see Cambridge University MS. D.d. 4.2 (3), ff. 6v -16r and for the latter see, E. Wolfson: The Book of the Pomegranate. Moses de Leon's Sefer ha-Rimmon (Atlanta, 1988).

[56] See M. Idel: `Ramon Lull and Ecstatic Kabbalah: A Preliminary Observation'.- In: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 51 (1988), p. 173. J. M. Millás Vallicrosa: El "Liber predicationis", p. 21 n. 19 identified the first two figures of the incipit.

[57] See J. Régné: History of the Jews in Aragon, num. 881 (18/10/1281) and Y. Baer: HJCS, vol. 1, p. 439 n. 27.

[58] See A. Jellinek: Auswahl Kabbalisticher Mystik (Leipzig, 1853), pp. 13-28 for the letter, and Solomon ibn Adret, Responsa, vol. 1, num. 548 for the ban.

[59] See Y. Baer: HCJS, vol. 1, pp. 189-96; J.N. Hillgarth: The Spanish Kingdoms 1250-1516 (Oxford, 1976), vol.1, pp. 30-32 suggested that the number of Jews in the Crown of Aragon was between 2-3% of the general population. L. Berger: On the Western Shores, pp. 78-80 has shown that in Barcelona, the Jews numbered 5%-6.5% (some 1500) out of a population of some 30,000 souls. For the diverse audiences attending sermons, see M. Sapperstein: Jewish Preaching, p. 51.

[60] For a general survey of Kabbalistic doctrines, see G. Scholem: Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism (New York, 19543); On the Mystical Shape of the Godhead (New York, 1991) and M. Idel: Kabbalah. New Perspectives. I am preparing a detailed study of the relations between Llull and the Kabbalists for my doctoral thesis.

[61] On the development of Llull's correlative doctrine, see J. Gayà: La teoría luliana de los Correlativos (Palma de Mallorca, 1979).

[62] See for example the start of the 28 sermons in Llibre de virtuts e de pecats, NEORL I, pp. 51-110.

[63] See Felix, or The Book of Wonders, SW 2, 1:11, p. 711.

[64] Llibre de contemplació, ORL II (1906), ch. 12, p. 59.

[65] Based on Llibre de contemplació, ORL V (1911), ch. 187, pp. 169-178. See also Ars generalis ultima, ROL XIV (1986), pp. 385-88.

[66] See for example, Ars demonstrativa, ORL XVI (1932), first distinction, figure A.

[67] This paragraph could be taken from any number of works, for example, Llibre de contemplació, ORL VII (1913), ch. 246, pp. 178-86 or Liber de anima rationali, MOG VI (1721), pp. 417-18, 427.

[68] This paragraph could be taken in one form or another from different works where Llull deals with the Trinity after 1288-9. The Disputatio fidelis et infidelis, MOG IV (1729), pp. 377-429 or Liber predicationis contra judeos, ROL XII (1984), pp. 18-19; Liber de trinitate et incarnatione, ib., pp. 91-115.

[69] An adaptation of 'Del exemple de situs divinal' of the `fulles del arbre exemplifical' in Arbre de sciencia, ORL 12 (1923), pp. 421-23.

[70] An order of progression that we find in the Llibre de contemplació, ORL VIII (1914), ch. 366, p. 626-7 and the Libre de demostracions, ORL XV (1930), pp. 3-4, 7.

[71] See the Ars generalis ultima, ROL XIV (1986); and Ars brevis, ROL XII (1984), section 9. See also Tractatus novus de Astronomia, ROL XVII (1989), p. 128.

[72] It is probable that Llull would have wanted to demonstrate the Incarnation in a manner that would be acceptable to his Jewish audience. See for example, Arbre de Sciencia, ORL XII (1923), p. 205-6. This issue is a difficult one. As Llull writes in Blaquerna, ORL IX (1914), 39:3, p. 126, 'And this which I tell you signifies for you some hidden thing, which, at this present time wherein we live, I dare not give you to understand'.