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[1] See Fernando Domínguez Reboiras, `"Moltes novelles
raons": La originalidad del Ars praedicandi de Ramon Llull en su
contexto medieval'.- In: Anuario Medieval 4 (1992), pp.
96-104. See also Llull's introduction to his
Rhetorica Nova in an appendix of Mark D. Johnston's doctoral
thesis, transcribed in L. Badia, `Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina
XV: Ramon Llull i la predicació'.- In her: Teoria i
pràctica de la literatura en Ramon Llull (Barcelona, 1992),
pp. 88, 124.
[2] See J. Longère: La prédication médiévale (Paris,
1983), pp. 24-35, especially pp.
29-31.
[3] J. Longère: La prédication, pp. 83-84.
[4] See L. Taylor: Soldiers of Christ. Preaching in the late
Medieval and Reformation France (Oxford, 1992), pp.
15-20 who suggests that these "extraordinary" sermons
took over from the usual sermon during the Mass.
[5] See D. L. d' Avray: The Preaching of the Friars.
Sermons diffused from Paris before 1300 (Oxford, 1985),
pp. 13-63.
[6] M. Lambert: Medieval Heresy. Popular Movements from the
Gregorian Reform to the Reformation (Oxford, 19922), pp.
44-87.
[7] See L.-J. Bataillon: `Approaches to the
study of Medieval sermons'.- In his: La prédication au 13e
siècle en France et Italie, pp. 28-9 and L.
Taylor: Soldiers of Christ, pp. 60-69. For the
use of exempla in sermons, see Étienne de Bourbon: Tractatus de
diversis materiis predicabilibus.- In: A. Lecoy de La Marche
(ed.): Anécdotes historiques, légendes et apologues tirés du
recueil inédit d' Étienne de Bourbon (Paris, 1877). See
also L.-J. Bataillon: `Similitudines et exempla
dans les sermons du XIIIe siècle'.- In: K. Walsh and D.
Wood (eds.): The Bible in the Medieval World (Oxford,
1985) pp. 191-205 and D. L. d' Avray:
The Preaching of the Friars, pp. 67-77.
[8] See J. Régné: History of the Jews in Aragon. Regesta
and Documents (Jerusalem, 1978), num. 217
(30/8/1263).
[9] See J. Régné: History of the Jews in Aragon, num.
723 (19/4/1279). See also Y. Baer: A History of
the Jews in Christian Spain (Philadelphia 19922), vol. 1,
p. 167 (henceforth HJCS). See also S. Grayzel: The
Church and the Jews in the 13th Century (revised New York,
1966) num. 105. S. Simonsohn: The Apostolic See and the
Jews: Documents 492-1404 (Toronto,
1988), num. 243. Meir b. Simeon in his polemical work
Milhemet Mitzva brings a debate between a Jew and Christian on the
issue of forced sermons. See R. Chazan: `Confrontation in the
Synagogue of Narbonne: A Christian Sermon and a Jewish
Reply'.- In: Harvard Theololgical Review 67 (1974),
p. 440.
[10] See J. Régné: History of the Jews in Aragon, nums.
386 (25/10/1268), 735 (21/6/1279), 746
(8/10/1279).
[11] See J. Régné: History of the Jews in Aragon, nums.
746 (8/10/1279), 747 (8/10/1279), 2624
(3/10/1296).
[12] See A. MacKay: `Popular Movements and Pogroms in
Fifteenth Century Castile'.- In: Past and Present 55
(1972), pp. 33-67. See as well the sermon of
Joseph ibn Shem Tob given in Segovia 1452, translated in M.
Sapperstein: Jewish Preaching 1200-1800. An
Anthology, (New Haven-London, 1989), pp.
169-179.
[13] Llull was probably in Montpellier for the best part of two
years, from October 1303 - October 1305.
During this period he probably spent some time in Barcelona (in
January 1304, and June 1305). See Liber de
praedicatione, ROL III (1961), p.
11-13, and A. Bonner, SW 2, p. 1282 where
this work appears as III.69 in his catalogue.
[14] See Liber de praedicatione, ROL III, p. 142.
'..in centum sermones, quos ponemos in hoc libro, si vitam et
gratiam dederit nobis Deus'.
[15] See ROL XV (1987) where Fernando Domínguez has
combined Llull's seven predication works (nums.
201-207) sermons written between October 1312
and February 1313 into one volume under the title Summa sermonum.
[16] Ars abbreviata praedicandi, ROL XVIII (1991),
p. 154. `Ars de ensercament e atrobament, qual ley es vera ne
qual es falsa e qual es sciencia natural e sobra natura'.
[17] Liber de praedicatione, ROL III, p. 140.
[18] Ars demonstrativa, ORL XVI (1932), p. 112;
SW 1, p. 425.
[19] Ars demonstrativa, ORL XVI, p.
114-15; SW 1, p. 428-29. The
`influence and blessing of God' comes about if the preacher preaches
in the correct manner. By doing so he draws down upon himself and his
audience the divine influx. In theosophic Kabbalah, we find a
similar concept of theurgic influence expressed: `The attribute 'El
Hai is called Righteous [i.e. the Sefirah Yesod ] stands to
watch, see and observe mankind, and when seeing mankind busy with the
study of Torah and the performance of the commandments, and that they
desire to purify themselves and to comport themselves in purity and
cleanliness, then the attribute of Righteous expands and widens and is
filled with all kinds of influx and emanation from above...in order
to give good recompense to those who follow the Torah and perform the
commandments...'. See Joseph Gikatilla, Sha'arey Orah
(Gates of Light), Y. Ben Shelomo (ed.), vol. 1
(Jerusalem 19812), pp. 100-101. See also
M. Idel: Kabbalah: New Perspectives (New Haven, 1988),
pp. 173-199.
[20] See Ars generalis ultima, ROL XIV (1986), p.
387 and Ars brevis, ROL XII (1984), 'De centum
formis', num. 98, p. 236.
[21] See Liber de predicatione, ROL III, pp.
99-100.
[22] See `Introduction', Summa sermonum, ROL XV, p.
xlii. Domínguez suggests that the Liber de praedicatione follows the
models of the medieval Ars praedicandi unlike the two later works which
are distinctly different.
[23] See Fernando Domínguez Reboiras: `"Moltes novelles
raons"', p. 96.
[24] Ars abbreviata praedicandi, ROL XVIII, pp.
23-31.
[25] See the interesting discussion of Llull's use of the Bible
in his sermons in L. Badia: `Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina XV:
Ramon Llull i la predicació', pp. 136-140.
[26] Liber praedicationis contra Iudaeos, ROL XII
(1984), op. 123; see for example sermons 2, 5, 8, 41
et al.
[27] Domínguez mentions that the mendicants utilising the
scholastic sermo modernus used the biblical quotation at the start of
their sermons as their entrée into whatever they wished to elaborate on
whether it had any relevance or not to the quotation, and ended their
exposition by returning to the same verse. He calls hypocritical the
use of the Bible as a compendium of themes upon which could be built
speculative exercises designed to show its compatibility with reason.
Llull, however, does not do this. He disregards the biblical
quotation preferring to concentrate on the theme of Christian love.
See ROL XVIII, p. 24.
[28] Llibre de virtuts e de pecats, NEORL I, proleg, p.
10.
[29] See Fernando Domínguez, 'Introduction', Ars
abbreviata praedicandi, ROL XVIII, p. 16 and '"Moltes
novelles raons"', p. 130.
[30] The warning that Llull gives at the start of the Liber
praedicationis contra judaeos also reveals the different and more
controversial nature of the contents of the work. See ROL XII
(1984), p. 14. The difference in structure was noted by L.
Badia, `ROL XV. Ramon Llull i la predicació', p. 122
n. 5.
[31] There is another account of a Dominican friar preaching in
the synagogue on the Sabbath although there is no record of what he
said, only the Jew's (probably Meir b. Simon) rebuttal. See
R. Chazan: 'Confrontation', pp. 440-450.
[32] Nahmanides is called Bonastrug de Porta in all the
contemporary Christian literature pertaining to the debate. See Y.
Baer: HJCS, vol. 1, p. 152 and J. Régne: History of
the Jews in Aragon, num. 323.
[33] For a text of the Christian version of events, see H.
Denifle: `Quellen zur Disputation Pablos Christiani mit Mose
Nachmani zu Barcelona 1263'.- In: Historisches Jahrbuch der
Görres-Gesellschaft 8 (1887), pp.
231-34. For the Hebrew text, see C. D.
Chavel: Kitvey ha-Ramban (Jerusalem, 1963),
vol. 1, pp. 302-320. For an English
translation of both texts, see H. Maccoby: Judaism on Trial.
Jewish Christian Disputation in the Middle Ages (London,
1982), pp. 147-50 and 102-46
respectively.
[34] See C. D. Chavel: Kitvey ha-Ramban, pp.
319-20.
[35] See C. D. Chavel: Kitvey ha-Ramban, pp.
303, 319-20.
[36] However, see R. Chazan: `Confrontation', p. 445
for evidence of at least one other Jewish response while the friar was
still present in the synagogue.
[37] Yom Tob Lipman Zunz: Ha-Derashot
be-Yisrael ve-Hishtalshelushtan
ha-historit (Jerusalem, 1954), pp.
196-7, E. Ashtor: The Jews of Muslim Spain,
vol. 3, p. 138. On synagogues in Spain, see F. Cantera
Burgos: Sinagogas Españolas (Madrid, 1955) and B. de
Breffny: The Synagogue (London, 1978), pp.
69-76. There are a couple of illustrations of what
was probably one or another of the synagogues in Barcelona in
fourteenth century manuscripts of a Passover Haggadah, British
Museum MS. Or. 2884, f. 17v reprinted in Encyclopaedia
Judaica (Jerusalem, 1971), vol. 2, col. 806 and
British Museum MS. Or. 14761.
[38] Shem Tob ibn Falaquera: `Iggeret
ha-Musar'.- In: Qobes 'al Yad 1 (11)
(1936), pp. 75-78. See Solomon ibn Adret:
Responsa (Tel Aviv, 1958), vol. 1, num. 414, pp.
150-51; num. 548, pp. 208-9
where Solomon castigates Rabbis in Provence who give sermons on
philosophical matters. See also M. Sapperstein: Jewish
Preaching, p. 91.
[39] See Solomon ibn Adret: Tzeda la-Derech
(Provisions for the Way),5, 1:7, f. 247a that on a
festival the sermon is preached after the Haftarah. See M.
Sapperstein: Jewish Preaching, pp. 26-44. See
R. Chazan: 'Confrontation', p. 446 where a Jewish preacher
asks the congregation to have patience 'even if the hour for dinner has
already passed' until he should finish his discourse.
[40] Bahya b. Asher: Kad ha-Kemah.- In: C.
B. Chavel (ed.): Kitvey Rabbenu Bahya (Jerusalem,
1970); Joshua ibn Shueib: Derashot al ha-Torah,
Z. Metzger (ed.), (Jerusalem, 1992), 2 vols.; Jacob
b. Hananel Sikili: Sefer Torat ha-Minhah (Safed,
1991), 2 vols.
[41] On Jacob Anatoli, see C. Sirat: A History of Jewish
Philosophy in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1985), pp.
224-25, 226-28. For Nahmanides,
see Kitvey ha-Ramban, vol. 1 where there are sermons
for a wedding, on Ecclesiastics, for the New Year and Torat
ha-Shem Temimah, the sermon Nahmanides probably gave
just after the Barcelona disputation. Also see Shem Tob b.
Joseph: Derashot (Padua, 1567). See also the collection of
sermons, possibly by Nahamnides' nephew Jonah Gerondi in British
Library MS Add. 27,292, ff. 157r-325r.
On the manuscript and the problems of attribution, see M.
Sapperstein: Jewish Preaching, pp. 124-27.
[42] See for example the sermons of Jacob Anatoli: Melamed
ha-Talmidim (Lyck, 1866); Bahya b. Asher:
Kad ha-Kemah; and Joshua ibn Shueib: Derashot al
ha-Torah.
[43] M. Sapperstein: Jewish Preaching, p. 93. Compare
with C. Bremond: L' "Exemplum" (Turnhout, 1982), pp.
155-58.
[44] Jonah Gerondi: Perush al Mishle 1:20, ed. A.
Löwenthal (Berlin, 1910) and Sha'arey Teshubah 3:73
(New York, 1949). Jonah also felt it important for the
preacher to learn the art of Rhetoric. See Perush al Mishle
15:12 and B. Septimus: `Piety and Power in Thirteenth
Century Catalonia'.- In: I. Twersky (ed.): Studies in
Medieval Jewish History and Literature (Cambridge,
Mass.-London, 1979), pp. 215-16.
[45] See M. Kayserling: `Raymond Lulle convertisseur des
juifs'.- In: Revue des Études Juives 27 (1893), pp.
148-49. `...et si voluerint, opportunitate
captata, possint respondere ejus predicationi et expositioni'.
[46] See for example Llibre de contemplació, ORL V
(1911), chs. 187 and 216 where Llull sets out the ground
rules for a debate; or the Proverbis de Ramon, ORL XIV
(1928), ch. 248:1, p. 270 where Llull defines a
disputation as `spiritual contrariety that manifests through words the
conceptions that one intellect has against another'. See also M.
D. Johnston: The Spiritual Logic of Ramon Llull (Oxford,
1987) pp. 135-145.
[47] L. Berner in her doctoral thesis suggests that there may
have been two synagogues in the call. The main synagogue located on
Carrer de la Synagoga Mayor (today, Carrer Sant Domènec del
Call) and the Minor Synagogue on Carrer de Sanahuja, a street
which no longer exists. See L. Berner: On the Western Shores:
the Jews of Barcelona during the Reign of Jaume I, `el
Conqueridor', 1213-1276 (University of
California, Los Angeles, 1986) pp. 103-4.
[48] Dictat de Ramon, ORL XIX (1936), pp.
261-74, and ROL XIX (1993), op.
87-88; Oracions de Ramon, OE 2 and ORL XVIII
(1935), pp. 313-92, and ROL XIX, op.
89.
[49] The Començaments de filosofia (Principia philolosophiae)
is extant in some fifteen Latin and two Catalan manuscripts and has
been published in ROL XIX (1993), op. 86. Medicina de
peccat., ORL 20 (1935), pp. 1-205, and
ROL XIX, op. 90.
[50] The extant incipit to the leaders of the Jewish community in
Barcelona is very courteous. See J. M. Millás Vallicrosa: El
"Liber predicationis contra Iudaeos" de Ramón Lull
(Madrid-Barcelona, 1957), p. 21 and E. Colomer,
`Ramón Llull y el judaismo en el marco histórico de la Edad Media
hispana'.- In: EL 28 (1966), p. 42.
[51] Of course it is possible that the King fully expected Llull
to abide by the decision of his father Peter III in his letter cited
in note 10 (num. 746).
[52] On Solomon ibn Adret, see A. Perles: R. Salamo b.
Abraham b. Adereth. Sein Leben und seine Schriften (Breslau.
1863).
[53] For example, Solomon ibn Adret wrote Mishmeret
ha-Bayit (Guarding the Home) dealing with the laws of
the home and Aaron replied with Bedek ha-Bayit
(Checking the Home).
[54] See J. Régné: History of the Jews in Aragon, nums.
712 (21/10/1278), 713 (21/10/1278) and
Y. Baer: HJCS, vol. 1, p. 428 n. 33 and p. 255.
[55] For the former see Cambridge University MS. D.d.
4.2 (3), ff. 6v -16r and for the latter see,
E. Wolfson: The Book of the Pomegranate. Moses de Leon's
Sefer ha-Rimmon (Atlanta, 1988).
[56] See M. Idel: `Ramon Lull and Ecstatic Kabbalah: A
Preliminary Observation'.- In: Journal of the Warburg and
Courtauld Institutes 51 (1988), p. 173. J. M.
Millás Vallicrosa: El "Liber predicationis", p. 21 n. 19
identified the first two figures of the incipit.
[57] See J. Régné: History of the Jews in Aragon, num.
881 (18/10/1281) and Y. Baer: HJCS, vol. 1,
p. 439 n. 27.
[58] See A. Jellinek: Auswahl Kabbalisticher Mystik
(Leipzig, 1853), pp. 13-28 for the letter,
and Solomon ibn Adret, Responsa, vol. 1, num. 548 for the
ban.
[59] See Y. Baer: HCJS, vol. 1, pp.
189-96; J.N. Hillgarth: The Spanish Kingdoms
1250-1516 (Oxford, 1976), vol.1, pp.
30-32 suggested that the number of Jews in the Crown
of Aragon was between 2-3% of the general population.
L. Berger: On the Western Shores, pp. 78-80
has shown that in Barcelona, the Jews numbered
5%-6.5% (some 1500) out of a population of some
30,000 souls. For the diverse audiences attending sermons, see
M. Sapperstein: Jewish Preaching, p. 51.
[60] For a general survey of Kabbalistic doctrines, see G.
Scholem: Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism (New York,
19543); On the Mystical Shape of the Godhead (New York,
1991) and M. Idel: Kabbalah. New Perspectives. I am
preparing a detailed study of the relations between Llull and the
Kabbalists for my doctoral thesis.
[61] On the development of Llull's correlative doctrine, see
J. Gayà: La teoría luliana de los Correlativos (Palma de
Mallorca, 1979).
[62] See for example the start of the 28 sermons in Llibre de
virtuts e de pecats, NEORL I, pp. 51-110.
[63] See Felix, or The Book of Wonders, SW 2, 1:11,
p. 711.
[64] Llibre de contemplació, ORL II (1906), ch.
12, p. 59.
[65] Based on Llibre de contemplació, ORL V (1911),
ch. 187, pp. 169-178. See also Ars generalis
ultima, ROL XIV (1986), pp. 385-88.
[66] See for example, Ars demonstrativa, ORL XVI
(1932), first distinction, figure A.
[67] This paragraph could be taken from any number of works, for
example, Llibre de contemplació, ORL VII (1913), ch.
246, pp. 178-86 or Liber de anima rationali,
MOG VI (1721), pp. 417-18, 427.
[68] This paragraph could be taken in one form or another from
different works where Llull deals with the Trinity after
1288-9. The Disputatio fidelis et infidelis,
MOG IV (1729), pp. 377-429 or Liber
predicationis contra judeos, ROL XII (1984), pp.
18-19; Liber de trinitate et incarnatione, ib., pp.
91-115.
[69] An adaptation of 'Del exemple de situs divinal' of the
`fulles del arbre exemplifical' in Arbre de sciencia, ORL 12
(1923), pp. 421-23.
[70] An order of progression that we find in the Llibre de
contemplació, ORL VIII (1914), ch. 366, p.
626-7 and the Libre de demostracions, ORL XV
(1930), pp. 3-4, 7.
[71] See the Ars generalis ultima, ROL XIV (1986);
and Ars brevis, ROL XII (1984), section 9. See also
Tractatus novus de Astronomia, ROL XVII (1989), p.
128.
[72] It is probable that Llull would have wanted to demonstrate
the Incarnation in a manner that would be acceptable to his Jewish
audience. See for example, Arbre de Sciencia, ORL XII
(1923), p. 205-6. This issue is a difficult
one. As Llull writes in Blaquerna, ORL IX (1914),
39:3, p. 126, 'And this which I tell you signifies for you
some hidden thing, which, at this present time wherein we live, I
dare not give you to understand'.
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